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trust and confidence in a population that has long feared its police. For the time being, the majority of reform has come in the form of idealistic rhetoric, and it remains to be seen how its objectives will be achieved. This is especially pertinent as the government faces renewed protests over unemployment in underdeveloped areas and the police are forced to demonstrate their new sense of restraint and respect for human rights that have been touted by politicians. Conclusion Legitimacy is one of the most important elements of a successful government, but so too is citizen welfare and the relationship between the government and its people. The former seems to have been satisfied, for the time being, by the success of October’s free and fair elections to the Constituent Assembly, the body charged with drafting a new constitution. However, the latter remains ambiguous. As Tunisians continue to test the bounds of their nascent democracy and express open discontent with the pace of economic recovery, the temperance of the state security system will again come under scrutiny. This presents a serious challenge to the beleaguered police force, which has not yet fully implemented the changes sought after the revolution and must deal simultaneously with the glacial pace of bureaucratic reform and the mounting impatience of the people. After issues of identity and economic recovery, security will be the primary logistical question confronting the new government as it seeks to define its relationship to its people. The most serious challenge would arise in the event that the new government were to feel threatened and were to be tempted to employ the police to suppress dissent or to condone police excesses in the event that they align with regime priorities, especially concerning ideological matters. After all, it is a fine line between the enforcement of peace and the oppression of freedom, a balancing act with which Tunisia has had little institutional experience. 160
A Way Forward: Policy Reforms At present, security reforms are floundering for lack of meaningful action. No matter how the new constitution interprets democracy or Tunisian identity, there will still be major hurdles to overcome in pursuit of a stable and accountable security force. Presented here are just a few policy recommendations that would help achieve that end. • Competitive retraining. Reforming police behavior is paramount to the restoration of domestic security in Tunisia and thus to the well-being of the country as a whole. Simply removing all those officers who served under the Ben Ali regime would not solve the problem, not only because it would mean the creation of a large group of disaffected and unemployed citizens, many of which would likely have made honest public servants, but also because of the logistical difficulty of replacing them all at once. Several countries, including Canada, Italy, and Finland, have offered assistance in retraining, but the problem remains of how to implement training on such a large scale, for tens of thousands of officers. That touches on the corollary problem of the inflated size of the police force. • Both problems could be partially solved through the implementation of a competitive retraining program, one in which officers are eligible for retraining in cohorts based inversely on seniority, allowing those with longer service history more time to adjust to the new professional environment before competing for retraining. The Interior Ministry, in coordination with elected officials, would determine an ideal police force size, from which a passing rate for the retraining would be derived, thus succeeding in both retraining officers, retaining those who are best suited to the job, and reducing the size of the force to a more manageable number. Ideally, professional development programs would help those who did not pass to transition to alternate employment. • Wage increases. The long-term gains from pay increases to low- and mid-level police officers should make the policy cost-neutral or even positive, even though it may appear more expensive in the short run. Substantial savings should have accrued from the dissolution of the political police, and the gradual reduction in the size of the administrative police outlined above should also cut program costs, even after 161
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Johns Hopkins University School for
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Acknowledgements We are most gratef
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List of Acronyms AKP Adalet ve Kalk
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xii
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proposed goal (as in the previous e
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democracy is a continual testing pr
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What’s in a Revolution? The timin
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limited to Tunisia, these vivid dep
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political system before any of the
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discontent of so many in Tunisia wh
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eality,” signified by Tunisian pe
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mantra sparked the Kasbah sit-ins r
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in early January of 2011, you would
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independence from the Ottoman Empir
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ack to the 1970s (SAIS Group Meetin
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Two Tunisias: How A Revolution Whic
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continued to cite statistics claimi
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inequality were most severe. Combat
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in government could drop precipitou
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for bold political leadership in Tu
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History of Secularism in Tunisia In
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1) Freedom to form and to join orga
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Source: Stepan, Alfred C. “Religi
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terms of campaigning, the political
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that in practice many people who es
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Short-term • Secular parties must
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Islamism and Laïcité in the Tunis
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girl, a high-achieving student at h
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laws are either supported directly
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and she argues that he, like many s
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during exams, preventing other stud
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Constituent Assembly should keep th
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Women’s Rights in Tunisia: A “N
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dismiss the question as a non-issue
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In immediate post-revolutionary Tun
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Others express concern about the va
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something every Tunisian boy does n
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Mr. Ghannouchi is equally surprised
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Mr. Hedri showed concern over the l
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has occurred in response to politic
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The Post-Transition Constitutional
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Theoretical Literature While there
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Tunisian Case Following Ben Ali’s
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parties. With the internal arrangem
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issues of unemployment, reduced cor
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Recommendations • NCA and politic
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Political Party Development Amy Ham
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experience and expertise, will be k
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with Laryssa Chomiak, SAIS group me
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epresented a complete departure fro
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To some extent, the focus on the qu
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• Enhance the legitimacy and enfo
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Ennahdha and the Salafis Roberta Lu
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The trial against Nabil Karoui, the
Page 121 and 122: Some Possible Explanations The hesi
Page 123 and 124: the salafist movement Al-Salafiya A
Page 125 and 126: violence, to lay the bases for a ne
Page 127 and 128: Tunisian Civil Society Before and A
Page 129 and 130: Bourguiba,” Bellin points out,
Page 131 and 132: nip in the bud any challenges to pa
Page 133 and 134: “training-of-trainers” (ToT) ev
Page 135 and 136: The focus of civil society groups i
Page 137 and 138: economic development in Tunisia. Th
Page 139 and 140: The Tunisian Youth Fallout: A Look
Page 141 and 142: that they found voting to be the mo
Page 143 and 144: head (Dégage, 2011). It should the
Page 145 and 146: graduates are unemployed (SAIS Grou
Page 147 and 148: to participate as a citizen in a de
Page 149 and 150: are rumored to consist only of 3,00
Page 151 and 152: Medium-term • At some point, the
Page 153 and 154: Part III: Security, Justice and Eco
Page 155 and 156: The Role of the Military in Post-Be
Page 157 and 158: insufficient to prevent the demonst
Page 159 and 160: disruptions during voting, the tota
Page 161 and 162: This is in sharp contrast to the mi
Page 163 and 164: Recommendations While the military
Page 165 and 166: Internal Security and Reform in Tun
Page 167 and 168: The Implements of Repression There
Page 169 and 170: undesirable organizations, stifle d
Page 171: evolution, many police, especially
Page 175 and 176: Transitional Justice and National R
Page 177 and 178: Those released therefore included p
Page 179 and 180: The current situation in many ways
Page 181 and 182: circulating that the informal strik
Page 183 and 184: the commercial interests of the ban
Page 185 and 186: and clear limits to police behavior
Page 187 and 188: Addressing Unemployment Rebekah Cha
Page 189 and 190: The forecasting is based on the ass
Page 191 and 192: of its revolution. This has had a c
Page 193 and 194: Boosting the Tourism Sector The tou
Page 195 and 196: absorb all of the university gradua
Page 197 and 198: language and technology skills, whi
Page 199 and 200: Understanding Unemployment in Tunis
Page 201 and 202: ather than shifts from low to high
Page 203 and 204: Figure 2: Unemployment by age and e
Page 205 and 206: the Tunisian economy. Thus, creatin
Page 207 and 208: • Encourage entrepreneurship: Tra
Page 209 and 210: U.S. Assistance in Tunisia Cody Die
Page 211 and 212: cultural differences that may inhib
Page 213 and 214: the Constitutional Assembly in Tuni
Page 215 and 216: order to receive these funds over o
Page 217 and 218: and access to jobs in Libya for Tun
Page 219 and 220: Conclusion P. Terrence Hopmann The
Page 221 and 222: the domination of the salafis and o
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well educated, but under or unemplo
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persons, a huge contingent for such
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List of Interviewees Washington DC,
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• Salah Bourjini, former division
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• Ahmed Ibrahim, Secretary of the
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Bibliography Abouzeid, Rania. 21 Ja
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Cook, Steven A. 20 January 2011.
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Le Monde. 25 January 2011. “Tunis
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Silver, Vernon. 12 December 2011.
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World Bank. 2004. “Dynamique de L
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