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Tunisia: Understanding Conflict 2012 - Johns Hopkins School of ...

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in early January <strong>of</strong> 2011, you would believe that the protestors were just vandals and<br />

looters, and that the shining image <strong>of</strong> Ben Ali visiting the dying Bouazizi in the hospital<br />

was genuine. In reality, citizens were more oppressed than ever. Two <strong>Tunisia</strong>n men<br />

from AFP and Reuters were able to capture this oppression in photos. They were candid,<br />

spontaneous, and unlicensed, and as they circulated online people began to realize the<br />

power <strong>of</strong> the images. A snowball effect was created. No one had thought to do counterpropaganda<br />

before, but all <strong>of</strong> a sudden the images <strong>of</strong> protest and oppression were<br />

everywhere—everywhere but the eerily quiet <strong>Tunisia</strong>n news sources (SAIS Group<br />

Meeting with Hatem Bourial, 25 January <strong>2012</strong>).<br />

A former minister under the Ben Ali regime believes that the other distinctive<br />

factor which contributed to the success <strong>of</strong> the movement was the level <strong>of</strong> involvement by<br />

citizens from a variety <strong>of</strong> demographics. Generally speaking, movements that lack the<br />

support <strong>of</strong> the middle or higher classes do not succeed. Evidence <strong>of</strong> this can be found in<br />

intellectual middle class support for the French Revolution or the Civil Rights movement<br />

in the United States. The poor citizens <strong>of</strong> Sidi Bouzid, Kesserine and Gafsa in the<br />

interior were protesting, but surprisingly, so were the middle class citizens (SAIS Group<br />

Meeting 25 January <strong>2012</strong>). Moncef Barouni adds that when all citizens feel the effects <strong>of</strong><br />

oppression and a decline in their purchasing power, this is the point at which society as a<br />

whole unites in realization <strong>of</strong> their collective power. Within two days, <strong>Tunisia</strong> had<br />

ousted three main state <strong>of</strong>ficials (SAIS Group Meeting, 24 January <strong>2012</strong>).<br />

Obstacles on Revolutionary Road<br />

<strong>Tunisia</strong>, in the words <strong>of</strong> Dr. Radwan Masmoudi, is seeking to become “a genuine<br />

democracy that combines dignity, human rights, justice, and Arabo-Islamic values.” 4<br />

People like Latifa Lakhdar think this goal is definitely possible (SAIS Group Meeting, 26<br />

January <strong>2012</strong>). In the achievement <strong>of</strong> this outcome, the country must merge the needs<br />

and narratives <strong>of</strong> all its citizens. I will now address the prospects for bridging their<br />

desires into the national framework for a more unified and stable future in <strong>Tunisia</strong>.<br />

4 Ghannouchi, Rachid, and Radwan Masmoudi (introduction). “Secularism and Relation between<br />

Religion and the State from the Perspective <strong>of</strong> the Nahdha Party.” Center for the Study <strong>of</strong> Islam<br />

and Democracy (CSID). 9 March <strong>2012</strong>. Speech.<br />

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