Tunisia: Understanding Conflict 2012 - Johns Hopkins School of ...
Tunisia: Understanding Conflict 2012 - Johns Hopkins School of ...
Tunisia: Understanding Conflict 2012 - Johns Hopkins School of ...
Create successful ePaper yourself
Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.
persons, a huge contingent for such a small country; virtually all <strong>of</strong> the violence that<br />
occurred during the January 2011 uprising was instigated by these political police.<br />
Therefore, a major but difficult task for the interim government has been to disband the<br />
political police, with the troubling side effect that this has pushed a large number <strong>of</strong><br />
individuals trained in the use <strong>of</strong> violence into the ranks <strong>of</strong> the unemployed. The<br />
administrative police, the traditional uniformed police force, have largely been retained,<br />
but there remains the daunting task <strong>of</strong> retraining them and socializing them in the role <strong>of</strong><br />
police in a democratic, pluralistic society. At the time <strong>of</strong> this writing these reforms are<br />
just being put into effect, and the success or failure <strong>of</strong> the government in implementing<br />
reforms in the entire justice sector will undoubtedly be a major factor affecting the<br />
sustainability <strong>of</strong> liberal democracy in <strong>Tunisia</strong>.<br />
Most participants in the SAIS trip would likely agree that, if the transition from<br />
the Arab Spring to a consolidated liberal, democratic regime fails in <strong>Tunisia</strong>, it is unlikely<br />
to succeed soon anywhere else in the Arab World. Although <strong>Tunisia</strong>ns are divided along<br />
political and socio-economic lines, there is a genuinely shared identity as being part <strong>of</strong><br />
the <strong>Tunisia</strong>n nation with no significant ethnic divisions. Furthermore, because the<br />
revolution was mostly nonviolent and the transition has been characterized by a focus on<br />
developing institutions to resolve basic conflicts <strong>of</strong> interest and belief nonviolently, a<br />
firm foundation for a positive outcome in <strong>Tunisia</strong> has been established. Issues remain,<br />
most notably in the debate between adopting an explicitly Islamic form <strong>of</strong> governance<br />
versus a secular one. Social and economic divides remain wide between the coastal and<br />
interior regions, exacerbated by an overall economic downturn since the revolution. And<br />
all <strong>of</strong> the classic post-revolution problems <strong>of</strong> reforming justice institutions, strengthening<br />
civil society, forming coherent and representative political parties, promoting<br />
reconciliation between those who were associated with the previous regime and those<br />
who support the new government still challenge the new leadership <strong>of</strong> <strong>Tunisia</strong>. The<br />
focus in <strong>2012</strong> on drafting a new constitution is itself a herculean task, and yet this focus<br />
also distracts attention from efforts to resolve the longer-term economic and social<br />
problems <strong>of</strong> the country. In the end, the eventual consolidation <strong>of</strong> the “Jasmine<br />
213