20.06.2014 Views

Tunisia: Understanding Conflict 2012 - Johns Hopkins School of ...

Tunisia: Understanding Conflict 2012 - Johns Hopkins School of ...

Tunisia: Understanding Conflict 2012 - Johns Hopkins School of ...

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

Another delicate issue that the Constituent Assembly has approached cautiously<br />

involves how to deal with those elements <strong>of</strong> the ancient regime that remain in <strong>Tunisia</strong>.<br />

As Anna Wilson points out, most attention has focused on the very top <strong>of</strong> the regime,<br />

especially on Ben Ali and his extended family, especially his wife’s family, now in exile<br />

abroad. This has left two different issues in its wake. First, immediately after Ben Ali’s<br />

departure, all political prisoners were granted general amnesty, including many radical<br />

salifis, whose behavior has at times become problematic for the new regime. Second,<br />

and more importantly, the new government banned the Rassemblement Constitutionnel<br />

Démocratique (RCD), the political party <strong>of</strong> the former regime. However, at least some <strong>of</strong><br />

its leaders continue to play a role in <strong>Tunisia</strong>n political life, though their future remains<br />

uncertain. On the one hand, the new regime requires experienced political elites and<br />

government <strong>of</strong>ficials with the training and practical skills required to administer a modern<br />

state, experience that could generally be obtained only by having served in the previous<br />

regime; on the other hand, they wish to make a sharp break with the past and therefore<br />

minimize the role <strong>of</strong> individuals tainted by their previous association with Ben Ali. As<br />

Wilson suggests, this will require a process <strong>of</strong> reconciliation between the new political<br />

elite and many who were associated with the ancient regime, if for no other reason than<br />

to assure that the latter do not become spoilers.<br />

As <strong>Tunisia</strong> prepares for its next election in late <strong>2012</strong>, however, two apparent<br />

limitations <strong>of</strong> the October 2011 election loom prominently on the horizon. Given that the<br />

“Jasmine Revolution” largely began with the youth and spread rapidly through social<br />

media and civil society, it seems curious that the youth turnout in the Constituent<br />

Assembly election was disappointingly low, and likewise civil society has not assumed<br />

the highly visible role in the political life <strong>of</strong> <strong>Tunisia</strong> that many expected since the<br />

revolution. As David Jackson notes, many <strong>of</strong> <strong>Tunisia</strong>’s youth were disaffected during the<br />

election process by the neglect <strong>of</strong> the issues that had been prominent for them in their<br />

effort to unseat the Ben Ali regime, especially unemployment among the youth and lack<br />

<strong>of</strong> respect by the police and other government agencies for ordinary citizens. Indeed, the<br />

debate among political elites, especially in Tunis, over the relationship between religion<br />

and the state has largely failed to address the high priority issues for <strong>Tunisia</strong>’s relatively<br />

210

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!