Tunisia: Understanding Conflict 2012 - Johns Hopkins School of ...
Tunisia: Understanding Conflict 2012 - Johns Hopkins School of ...
Tunisia: Understanding Conflict 2012 - Johns Hopkins School of ...
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and she argues that he, like many scholars are currently doing, must permit a modern reinterpretatation<br />
<strong>of</strong> Islamic texts (SAIS Group Meeting, 26 January <strong>2012</strong>).<br />
Ahmed Ibrahim, <strong>of</strong> the Pole Démocratique et Moderniste, further expands upon<br />
the skepticism <strong>of</strong> the idea <strong>of</strong> a true marriage <strong>of</strong> Islam and democracy. He states that the<br />
country should be founded on a basis <strong>of</strong> citizenship and questions the legitimacy <strong>of</strong><br />
Ennahdha’s victory, arguing that their success was due to the dispersal <strong>of</strong> secular interests<br />
among multiple parties, which have now succeeded in establishing a unified opposition.<br />
While Ennahdha itself- may not genuinely be supportive <strong>of</strong> the salafists, he fears that the<br />
state will hesitate to assert the rule <strong>of</strong> law on the street, and the extremists will be able to<br />
impose their way <strong>of</strong> life in a “politique du fait accompli.” He sees the need for a<br />
consensus on how <strong>Tunisia</strong>ns describe themselves and their enduring identity: religious to<br />
varying degrees in their personal and public lives without over-emphasis on the barrier<br />
between the two, and without judging or defining themselves too strictly (SAIS Group<br />
Meeting, 25 January <strong>2012</strong>).<br />
Progressive Pragmatists<br />
In addition to those publicly active individuals who are supportive <strong>of</strong> the idea <strong>of</strong><br />
institutionalizing Islam in the <strong>Tunisia</strong>n democracy and those who are fiercely opposed,<br />
there is a group <strong>of</strong> people who approach this issue from a pragmatic perspective. While<br />
embracing the idea <strong>of</strong> a truly democratic <strong>Tunisia</strong>, these individuals acknowledge the<br />
deeply rooted place <strong>of</strong> Islam and Muslim identity play in <strong>Tunisia</strong>n culture while arguing<br />
for a progressive evolution and re-interpretation (ijtihad) <strong>of</strong> what Islam and secularism<br />
mean in the <strong>Tunisia</strong>n context. Hatem Bourial discusses the importance <strong>of</strong> retaining an<br />
authentic <strong>Tunisia</strong>n identity, as opposed to defining oneself first as Arab and Muslim and<br />
thereby “dealing on a political scale” with the Arab and Muslim world. He notes that<br />
<strong>Tunisia</strong> has historically been a moderate country in terms <strong>of</strong> its practice <strong>of</strong> religion and its<br />
treatment <strong>of</strong> its previously significant minority populations, and this history <strong>of</strong><br />
moderation should be preserved. Most importantly, instead <strong>of</strong> attacking secularism or<br />
Islamism as they are understood today, he argues for a new and specifically <strong>Tunisia</strong>n way<br />
<strong>of</strong> being secular. He feels that the debate and lack <strong>of</strong> consensus over what it means to be<br />
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