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independence from the Ottoman Empire, Tunisia drafted its first constitution, and concurrently faced its first clash of ideologies. Some promoted secular institutions, while others touted the phrase “the Quran is our constitution” (Hatem Bourial, SAIS Group Meeting, 25 January 2012). This battle continued into the fight for independence from France, pitting Bourguiba, at the time a member of the Neo-Destour party against Salah Ben Yousef’s traditional Muslim and Arabist “Fellagha Group”, a faction of the same party (Mezran 2007, Ch.4). Bourguiba sought a secular modernist republic, modeling Western government and educational structures, and envisioned himself “as a modernist reformer of Islam” (Mezran 2007, 114). Ben Yousef, on the other hand, supported traditional Islam and the Arabic language, calling for a pan-Maghrebi war for independence, and was supported by religious conservatives, the land-owning class and those wary of the radical modernization of the Neo-Destour. Ben Yousef was as equally popular with Tunisians as Bourguiba and was the Secretary-General of the Neo-Destour, but Bourguiba had many friends in high places, for example the bourgeoisie. Most significant perhaps, was his alliance with the new and influential Union Générale des Travailleurs Tunisiens (UGTT), that pushed Bourguiba’s socialist ideals in key regions (Mezran 2007). Undermining the foundation of Ben Yousef’s vision and having him kicked out of the party was the key to gaining supporters. Bourguiba did so by distancing Tunisia from the Arabo-Islamic history, referring often to the Phoenician settlers of Tunisia in order to emphasize that influence in contrast to the Arabs. He also praised the French influence on Tunisia, saying “We are indebted to France for a great part of our personality and culture” (Mezran 2007, 114). Ben Yousef countered, rallying the support of a resistance group which resorted to terrorist tactics following his loss in the Neo-Destour Congress. Ben Yousef fled Tunisia but was killed in Germany in 1961 by Tunisian agents (Mezran 2007). Bourguiba had successfully eliminated the competition, but in the process had politicized Islam and made it a critical element of identity to be protected, rather than the generally unquestioned fact of life most Tunisians understand it to be (Personal Interview with Siwar Aouadi, 28 January 2012). 22
Ben Ali continued in this vein, and under his rule, all mosques were owned, financed and heavily policed by the Ministry of Religious Affairs, and private group prayers were illegal. Under this level of scrutiny, it is no wonder that Islamism has resurged. Ideologies do not disappear when one elite group wins over another; they are simply repressed, but eventually return. Moderate Tunisians understand Islam to be a fact of life, and this is why parties that touted themselves as secular did not do well in the Constituent Assembly elections. Radwan Masmoudi believes that for most Tunisians, “secular” has an uncomfortable connotation of “anti-religious” (SAIS Group Meeting, 26 January 2012). Disputes reminiscent of Bourguiba and Ben Yousef are resurfacing in today’s political realm, hindering progress. Moncef Barouni also added that questions of ideology are important, but the government must sideline them to assuage the fears that leaders are prioritizing partisanship over addressing the challenges facing Tunisia (SAIS Group Meeting, 24 January 2012). As Al-Jazeera noted during the elections, “perhaps the major problem with the electoral campaign so far, though, is that it has allowed questions of cultural identity, religion and secularism to override all the other important and thorny issues to do with the economy, unemployment, justice and political reconciliation” (Ryan, Al Jazeera English, 26 January 2011). If religion can be de-politicized and freedom of religious expression emphasized, it will take the wind out of the salafists’ sails, who believe that Islam is under attack, by showing them a Tunisia where ideologies can coexist. The goal, as stated by Mohamed Sayah who belonged to the Destourian party of former President Bouguiba, must be to create synergy and an image of unity to inspire confidence in the government; otherwise they will be incapable of guaranteeing any progress (SAIS Group Meeting, 25 January 2012). Progress can also be achieved by infusing new ideas into the government. Barouni expressed concerns that the average parliament member is 55 years of age or older, which may contribute to rigidity in their practices (SAIS Group, 24 January 2012). A former Ben Ali government official mentioned that an aging government was a factor in the “regime fatigue” that precipitated Ben Ali’s fall, citing the use of policies that went 23
Page 1: Johns Hopkins University School for
Page 7 and 8: Acknowledgements We are most gratef
Page 9 and 10: List of Acronyms AKP Adalet ve Kalk
Page 12 and 13: xii
Page 14 and 15: proposed goal (as in the previous e
Page 16 and 17: democracy is a continual testing pr
Page 19 and 20: What’s in a Revolution? The timin
Page 21 and 22: limited to Tunisia, these vivid dep
Page 23 and 24: political system before any of the
Page 25: discontent of so many in Tunisia wh
Page 28 and 29: eality,” signified by Tunisian pe
Page 30 and 31: mantra sparked the Kasbah sit-ins r
Page 32 and 33: in early January of 2011, you would
Page 36 and 37: ack to the 1970s (SAIS Group Meetin
Page 39 and 40: Two Tunisias: How A Revolution Whic
Page 41 and 42: continued to cite statistics claimi
Page 43 and 44: inequality were most severe. Combat
Page 45 and 46: in government could drop precipitou
Page 47: for bold political leadership in Tu
Page 50 and 51: History of Secularism in Tunisia In
Page 52 and 53: 1) Freedom to form and to join orga
Page 54 and 55: Source: Stepan, Alfred C. “Religi
Page 56 and 57: terms of campaigning, the political
Page 58 and 59: that in practice many people who es
Page 60 and 61: Short-term • Secular parties must
Page 63 and 64: Islamism and Laïcité in the Tunis
Page 65 and 66: girl, a high-achieving student at h
Page 67 and 68: laws are either supported directly
Page 69 and 70: and she argues that he, like many s
Page 71 and 72: during exams, preventing other stud
Page 73 and 74: Constituent Assembly should keep th
Page 75 and 76: Women’s Rights in Tunisia: A “N
Page 77 and 78: dismiss the question as a non-issue
Page 79 and 80: In immediate post-revolutionary Tun
Page 81 and 82: Others express concern about the va
Page 83 and 84: something every Tunisian boy does n
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Mr. Ghannouchi is equally surprised
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Mr. Hedri showed concern over the l
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has occurred in response to politic
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The Post-Transition Constitutional
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Theoretical Literature While there
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Tunisian Case Following Ben Ali’s
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parties. With the internal arrangem
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issues of unemployment, reduced cor
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Recommendations • NCA and politic
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Political Party Development Amy Ham
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experience and expertise, will be k
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with Laryssa Chomiak, SAIS group me
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epresented a complete departure fro
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To some extent, the focus on the qu
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• Enhance the legitimacy and enfo
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Ennahdha and the Salafis Roberta Lu
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The trial against Nabil Karoui, the
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Some Possible Explanations The hesi
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the salafist movement Al-Salafiya A
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violence, to lay the bases for a ne
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Tunisian Civil Society Before and A
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Bourguiba,” Bellin points out,
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nip in the bud any challenges to pa
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“training-of-trainers” (ToT) ev
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The focus of civil society groups i
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economic development in Tunisia. Th
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The Tunisian Youth Fallout: A Look
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that they found voting to be the mo
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head (Dégage, 2011). It should the
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graduates are unemployed (SAIS Grou
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to participate as a citizen in a de
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are rumored to consist only of 3,00
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Medium-term • At some point, the
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Part III: Security, Justice and Eco
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The Role of the Military in Post-Be
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insufficient to prevent the demonst
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disruptions during voting, the tota
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This is in sharp contrast to the mi
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Recommendations While the military
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Internal Security and Reform in Tun
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The Implements of Repression There
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undesirable organizations, stifle d
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evolution, many police, especially
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A Way Forward: Policy Reforms At pr
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Transitional Justice and National R
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Those released therefore included p
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The current situation in many ways
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circulating that the informal strik
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the commercial interests of the ban
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and clear limits to police behavior
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Addressing Unemployment Rebekah Cha
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The forecasting is based on the ass
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of its revolution. This has had a c
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Boosting the Tourism Sector The tou
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absorb all of the university gradua
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language and technology skills, whi
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Understanding Unemployment in Tunis
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ather than shifts from low to high
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Figure 2: Unemployment by age and e
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the Tunisian economy. Thus, creatin
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• Encourage entrepreneurship: Tra
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U.S. Assistance in Tunisia Cody Die
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cultural differences that may inhib
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the Constitutional Assembly in Tuni
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order to receive these funds over o
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and access to jobs in Libya for Tun
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Conclusion P. Terrence Hopmann The
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the domination of the salafis and o
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well educated, but under or unemplo
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persons, a huge contingent for such
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List of Interviewees Washington DC,
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• Salah Bourjini, former division
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• Ahmed Ibrahim, Secretary of the
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Bibliography Abouzeid, Rania. 21 Ja
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Cook, Steven A. 20 January 2011.
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Le Monde. 25 January 2011. “Tunis
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Silver, Vernon. 12 December 2011.
Page 241:
World Bank. 2004. “Dynamique de L
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