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Tunisia: Understanding Conflict 2012 - Johns Hopkins School of ...

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In immediate post-revolutionary <strong>Tunisia</strong>, women started to form the heart <strong>of</strong> the struggle<br />

between secularists and Islamists, most notably through debates about the niqab in<br />

schools and Ennahdha’s questionable stance on laws about polygamy and adoption by<br />

single mothers.<br />

The unilateral actions <strong>of</strong> the state also created a façade <strong>of</strong> sorts: from the outside,<br />

it appears that the <strong>Tunisia</strong>n population’s conception <strong>of</strong> women’s rights is uniform and<br />

supportive <strong>of</strong> liberal policies, but this is far from the truth. Not only are some aspects <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>Tunisia</strong>’s formal stance on women’s rights tenuous, but throughout history there has been<br />

a consistent attempt by Islamist groups to reform family law so that it is more in line with<br />

the shari’a. Extremist conservative elements have been stifled along with liberal voices,<br />

and with their new freedom <strong>of</strong> expression, have begun to assert their views through<br />

violent and disruptive mechanisms. Finally, because all women’s rights have been given<br />

by the state, there have arisen no strong civil society organizations to counter any state<br />

action; women themselves are disorganized, lacking in cohesion, and unable to channel<br />

any unheard voices. All <strong>of</strong> this sets the tone for a post-revolutionary society that is<br />

divided to say the least.<br />

At the same time, those who claim the story <strong>of</strong> women’s rights is no story at all<br />

are correct in some ways. Khedija Arfaoui, a leading women’s rights activist and member<br />

<strong>of</strong> the ATFD, admits that, aside from a couple <strong>of</strong> key reforms, women in <strong>Tunisia</strong> are the<br />

“most spoiled” <strong>of</strong> all women in the Arab World (SAIS Group Meeting, 23 January <strong>2012</strong>).<br />

Even those people who expressed the deepest concerns about the future <strong>of</strong> women’s<br />

rights noted that such concerns may not be justified in the short term. Because suspicion<br />

<strong>of</strong> Ennahdha is fresh and the appetite for revolution remains strong, most believe that<br />

despite questionable stances taken by members <strong>of</strong> Ennahdha, the group will not move to<br />

change the CPS for fear <strong>of</strong> alienating moderate elements <strong>of</strong> their base. The general<br />

feeling is that any steps back on the subject <strong>of</strong> women’s rights will occur through inaction<br />

in the face <strong>of</strong> conservative elements, who are leading both visible short-term campaigns<br />

through active demonstrations and subtle long-term campaigns through reforms <strong>of</strong><br />

mosques and schools. Any major changes, many concur, will occur somewhat<br />

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