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etraining expenses are accounted for. Higher pay to officers would help reduce structural pressures to graft and extortion, while improving the quality of officers and their social standing, resulting in a better behaved force. Additionally, the improvement in domestic security should improve tourism and foreign investment by projecting a more stable Tunisia, thereby increasing overall gains to the economy and thus to government. • Citizen Ombudsmen. Accountability was one of the primary shortcomings of the security forces under Ben Ali. Citizens had no avenue for redress after police excesses, even if such behavior had not been sanctioned by the regime. It is unrealistic to expect an institution steeped in the repressive traditions of the old regime to suddenly become self-correcting. To address this, Tunisia needs an official body with a mandate to investigate police misconduct and the authority to discipline or remove those responsible. Citizens would need to be able to report misconduct to this body with credible protection from police retribution. 162
Transitional Justice and National Reconciliation Anna Wilson Defining the Enemy What is perhaps most remarkable about Tunisia’s revolution is the way in which the guilt has been focused down onto so few individuals: both the guilt for the suffering of the population under the former regime, and the blame for the current social and economic situation—in essence onto the person of the former President himself, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, his wife and her extended family. This is remarkable in that, while Tunisia’s post-decolonialization history is one dominated openly by only two men, and a single (albeit renamed) party that funneled money and power in the country very tightly into the hands of very few, five decades of single-party rule has meant that it is difficult to see the limits of individuals’ interactions with the regime. Moreover, while there have been many expulsions from public office, particularly in the Ministry of the Interior, there could have been many more. Instead, Tunisians seemed content to wait patiently through a period of technocratic rule—essentially that of the same bureaucrats who had been running the country under the old regime—provided the clear term limits were adhered to and the President himself bowed to demands that he “dégage” (French for “clear out”). The question now, however, over a year after the revolution and with Tunisia governed for the first time by electoral will, is where the population and the political elites will draw the line between who should be punished and who was just doing their job, how to find the line for the bare minimum demanded for a sense of justice having been served. There are a number of areas where these questions raise pressure points on Tunisia’s post-revolutionary society. First, the question of what to do about the former members of the ruling party, the Rassemblement Constitutionnel Démocratique (RCD), currently an illegal party, but whose members still make up the officials elected at municipal levels, since new elections have not yet been held. Second, there is the concern that members of Ennahdha are preoccupied with gaining political revenge for the 163
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Johns Hopkins University School for
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Acknowledgements We are most gratef
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List of Acronyms AKP Adalet ve Kalk
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xii
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proposed goal (as in the previous e
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democracy is a continual testing pr
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What’s in a Revolution? The timin
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limited to Tunisia, these vivid dep
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political system before any of the
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discontent of so many in Tunisia wh
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eality,” signified by Tunisian pe
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mantra sparked the Kasbah sit-ins r
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in early January of 2011, you would
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independence from the Ottoman Empir
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ack to the 1970s (SAIS Group Meetin
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Two Tunisias: How A Revolution Whic
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continued to cite statistics claimi
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inequality were most severe. Combat
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in government could drop precipitou
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for bold political leadership in Tu
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History of Secularism in Tunisia In
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1) Freedom to form and to join orga
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Source: Stepan, Alfred C. “Religi
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terms of campaigning, the political
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that in practice many people who es
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Short-term • Secular parties must
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Islamism and Laïcité in the Tunis
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girl, a high-achieving student at h
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laws are either supported directly
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and she argues that he, like many s
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during exams, preventing other stud
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Constituent Assembly should keep th
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Women’s Rights in Tunisia: A “N
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dismiss the question as a non-issue
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In immediate post-revolutionary Tun
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Others express concern about the va
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something every Tunisian boy does n
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Mr. Ghannouchi is equally surprised
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Mr. Hedri showed concern over the l
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has occurred in response to politic
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The Post-Transition Constitutional
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Theoretical Literature While there
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Tunisian Case Following Ben Ali’s
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parties. With the internal arrangem
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issues of unemployment, reduced cor
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Recommendations • NCA and politic
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Political Party Development Amy Ham
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experience and expertise, will be k
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with Laryssa Chomiak, SAIS group me
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epresented a complete departure fro
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To some extent, the focus on the qu
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• Enhance the legitimacy and enfo
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Ennahdha and the Salafis Roberta Lu
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The trial against Nabil Karoui, the
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Some Possible Explanations The hesi
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Page 125 and 126: violence, to lay the bases for a ne
Page 127 and 128: Tunisian Civil Society Before and A
Page 129 and 130: Bourguiba,” Bellin points out,
Page 131 and 132: nip in the bud any challenges to pa
Page 133 and 134: “training-of-trainers” (ToT) ev
Page 135 and 136: The focus of civil society groups i
Page 137 and 138: economic development in Tunisia. Th
Page 139 and 140: The Tunisian Youth Fallout: A Look
Page 141 and 142: that they found voting to be the mo
Page 143 and 144: head (Dégage, 2011). It should the
Page 145 and 146: graduates are unemployed (SAIS Grou
Page 147 and 148: to participate as a citizen in a de
Page 149 and 150: are rumored to consist only of 3,00
Page 151 and 152: Medium-term • At some point, the
Page 153 and 154: Part III: Security, Justice and Eco
Page 155 and 156: The Role of the Military in Post-Be
Page 157 and 158: insufficient to prevent the demonst
Page 159 and 160: disruptions during voting, the tota
Page 161 and 162: This is in sharp contrast to the mi
Page 163 and 164: Recommendations While the military
Page 165 and 166: Internal Security and Reform in Tun
Page 167 and 168: The Implements of Repression There
Page 169 and 170: undesirable organizations, stifle d
Page 171 and 172: evolution, many police, especially
Page 173: A Way Forward: Policy Reforms At pr
Page 177 and 178: Those released therefore included p
Page 179 and 180: The current situation in many ways
Page 181 and 182: circulating that the informal strik
Page 183 and 184: the commercial interests of the ban
Page 185 and 186: and clear limits to police behavior
Page 187 and 188: Addressing Unemployment Rebekah Cha
Page 189 and 190: The forecasting is based on the ass
Page 191 and 192: of its revolution. This has had a c
Page 193 and 194: Boosting the Tourism Sector The tou
Page 195 and 196: absorb all of the university gradua
Page 197 and 198: language and technology skills, whi
Page 199 and 200: Understanding Unemployment in Tunis
Page 201 and 202: ather than shifts from low to high
Page 203 and 204: Figure 2: Unemployment by age and e
Page 205 and 206: the Tunisian economy. Thus, creatin
Page 207 and 208: • Encourage entrepreneurship: Tra
Page 209 and 210: U.S. Assistance in Tunisia Cody Die
Page 211 and 212: cultural differences that may inhib
Page 213 and 214: the Constitutional Assembly in Tuni
Page 215 and 216: order to receive these funds over o
Page 217 and 218: and access to jobs in Libya for Tun
Page 219 and 220: Conclusion P. Terrence Hopmann The
Page 221 and 222: the domination of the salafis and o
Page 223 and 224: well educated, but under or unemplo
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persons, a huge contingent for such
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List of Interviewees Washington DC,
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• Salah Bourjini, former division
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• Ahmed Ibrahim, Secretary of the
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Bibliography Abouzeid, Rania. 21 Ja
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Cook, Steven A. 20 January 2011.
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Le Monde. 25 January 2011. “Tunis
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Silver, Vernon. 12 December 2011.
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World Bank. 2004. “Dynamique de L
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