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Developmental psychology.pdf

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Cognition and Language 205<br />

But rats ultimately can master this concept. After triangles of all sizes, shapes,<br />

and positions were paired with other figures for one thousand trials, and the response<br />

to the triangle was always rewarded, some rats responded positively on the first trial<br />

with new triangles, ones that were isosceles, colored, or different in some other way<br />

from the previous triangles. These animals, without language as far as we know, had<br />

abstracted and generalized. They were responding to the concept of triangularity, regardless<br />

of other characteristics (Fields, 1932, 1936).<br />

There are clear differences among the species however. Rats and pigeons, with<br />

much effort, can acquire concrete concepts like triangularity and brightness, in which<br />

the problem is basically a perceptual one, but these animals have difficulty with more<br />

complex concepts. Chimpanzees are at another level. Whatever goes on inside their<br />

black box, there is no doubt that chimpanzees can acquire abstract concepts, even without<br />

a formal language. They can even solicit cooperation (Figure 8.4).<br />

Normal human babies show the same reactions, and deaf children, deprived<br />

of a great wealth of linguistic information, also can form abstract concepts. At times<br />

human adults have difficulty expressing concepts in words. From all of these instances<br />

we can conclude that even though words are enormously facilitating, concepts can be<br />

formed without language.<br />

Forming Abstract Concepts Language is very important in acquiring abstract<br />

concepts, as shown in the incessant questions of young children. Helping to bury a dead<br />

animal, the child asks, "When is she going to wake up?" "Does she like being down<br />

there?" "How is she going to get out?" On this basis we realize the limits of the child's<br />

concepts of life and death.<br />

Perhaps we explain that animals that are dead never wake up, cannot get out<br />

by themselves and, as far as we know, neither like nor dislike being buried. But this<br />

process of observing, questioning, and receiving answers continues for years before the<br />

child gains an adult understanding of life and death.<br />

Children form the concept of life in a series of steps, and under age six the<br />

major criteria are usefulness, human characteristics, and movement. With regard to<br />

usefulness, a child says that a watch is alive "because it tells you what time" and a<br />

pencil is alive "because you can write with it." As for human characteristics, the child<br />

states that a cat is alive because it can breathe but then incorrectly adds that a watch<br />

is alive "because it eats grease" and a flower is not "because it has no feet." Many<br />

young children also think that anything that moves is alive, such as a mountain "when<br />

it sends smoke and fire" and snow "when it is falling."<br />

Around age six or seven, as children ask more and more questions and make<br />

their own observations, they insist on autonomous movement. Bicycles, pencils, and<br />

other human-made objects are not alive because people must make them go, whereas<br />

cats move of their own volition. Certain natural phenomena are considered alive, however,<br />

such as fires, which "grow by themselves and don't need help to move." Clouds<br />

are alive because "they can become bigger or smaller." Plants remain a puzzle. They<br />

grow, but somebody must plant them (Piaget, 1929; Laurendreau & Pinard, 1962).<br />

Even adults are not quite sure what they mean by the concept of life. Note<br />

the controversies over abortion and euthanasia, as we try to clarify the concept for<br />

ourselves. Does life begin with conception or birth? Does it end with the cessation of<br />

brain waves or the cessation of heartbeat? Owing to the importance of many complex<br />

concepts in daily life, there have been continuous attempts to develop an overall approach<br />

to investigations in this field (Strauss & Lewin, 1981).<br />

Linguistic Determinism Language is useful in concept formation, as we have seen,<br />

for most of our thinking involves the internal manipulation of language symbols. Some<br />

investigators, on this basis, have been led to formulate an hypothesis of linguistic<br />

relativity. The essence of this view, called the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis or, more generally,<br />

linguistic determinism, is that language determines thought; the structure of one's<br />

language plays a significant role in the nature of that person's thinking.<br />

Figure 8.4<br />

Soliciting Cooperation. In this<br />

experiment two chimpanzees were<br />

taught, one at a time, to pull a rope<br />

attached to a box containing food.<br />

When the box was made too heavy<br />

for one animal, two ropes were<br />

attached and the chimpanzees<br />

needed to pull at the same time.<br />

After special training they learned to<br />

do so, but sometimes one animal,<br />

more eager than the other for food,<br />

had to solicit cooperation. In the top<br />

photo, Bula touches Kambi near the<br />

mouth and turns her head toward the<br />

ropes. In the middle picture, Bula's<br />

hand is on top of Kambi's, pushing it<br />

down toward a rope. In the bottom<br />

photo, the two chimpanzees are<br />

pulling together (Crawford, 1937).<br />

Answers to Figure 8.2<br />

II MANK RELK PALT QUAN GLIF<br />

JOFT<br />

III PALT JOFT MANK GLIF QUAN<br />

RELK

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