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Developmental psychology.pdf

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Cognition and Language 209<br />

language. Similarly, children say "digged" and "goed" and so forth, which would be<br />

correct if the verbs were not irregular (Brown, 1973a).<br />

An inherited predisposition also is argued on the basis of the speed of language<br />

learning. Normal children acquire significant proficiency in English, Spanish, or Bossa<br />

by four or five years of age, as do children learning other languages throughout the<br />

world. Even children of low intelligence, unless they are markedly retarded, become<br />

adept at language, and children from deprived environments, provided the deprivation<br />

is not unusually long or severe, can readily make up for the lack of practice and opportunities<br />

for learning language (Mason, 1942). Congenially deaf children, without<br />

auditory feedback, coo and babble at the same age as children with hearing, and they<br />

learn to communicate through writing, gestures, and speech.<br />

Although not all linguists accept this view, many argue that the propensity<br />

for language is so deeply ingrained that it develops even under conditions of peripheral<br />

and central nervous system impairment. Our tendency to speak a language is the result<br />

of a biological "program" for such behavior. It is as fundamental in our constitution<br />

as our predisposition to use our hands for manipulating things (Lenneberg, 1964).<br />

Early Vocalizations This view, that human beings have a genetically determined<br />

predisposition to speak in certain ways, rather than merely the ability to do so, is further<br />

supported by studies of the sequence of language learning. This learning takes place<br />

in a highly predictable series of stages. The stages are not clearly separated and the<br />

rate of change is not universal, but the sequence is essentially the same for all normal<br />

children.<br />

The first vocalizations include crying, gurgling, and a few other noises, but<br />

when contented, the infant also emits noises that sound like cooing. This unpatterned<br />

cooing is simply a reflex emission of air through the vocal cords. The infant's speech<br />

mechanisms continue to mature during this state, perhaps partly as a result of this<br />

vocal activity.<br />

The infant hears these sounds and through the muscular involvement probably<br />

senses the motor aspects as well. This auditory and kinesthetic feedback may be further<br />

reinforcing, as a form of self-stimulation.<br />

Around the fifth month there is a gradual transition from cooing to babbling,<br />

in which a particular sound is repeated consistently, as in "da-da-da-da" and "lal-lallal-lal."<br />

This behavior represents greater control over the speech mechanisms than the<br />

earlier unpatterned cooing, which has little apparent relation to human language. These<br />

babbling noises initially include all the important sounds in all adult speech. European,<br />

American, Asiatic, and other babies cannot be distinguished on this basis. Later, the<br />

French baby learns certain vowel sounds, the Spanish baby a rolling r, and the Norwegian<br />

baby gutteral noises, none of which can be accurately reproduced by people<br />

who have not learned the language in childhood.<br />

Babbling, in fact, appears to be a necessary prelude to speech. Organisms that<br />

do not engage in this activity generally do not develop speech. On this basis, as well<br />

as others, the outlook for speech in chimpanzees and similar primates is bleak.<br />

Producing Language<br />

Before the end of the first year, the typical human baby begins to distinguish the meaningful<br />

phonemes in its language. Since these phonemes almost always appear in words,<br />

this stage is known as word recognition, and it consistently appears before the production<br />

of language. Gradually, the baby learns intonations, more words, and phrases.<br />

This learning continues for several weeks or months as a prelude to the production of<br />

language in the child. The test of the capacity of the child's black box, of course, lies<br />

in its response to a given situation. If the infant avoids things said to be hot, word<br />

recognition has occurred, even though the infant may not use any special sound to<br />

indicate that something is hot (Figure 8.6).<br />

Months of<br />

Training<br />

2<br />

4<br />

5<br />

6<br />

9<br />

Distinct Responses<br />

Chimp<br />

7<br />

14<br />

21<br />

28<br />

58<br />

Child<br />

2<br />

8<br />

20<br />

32<br />

68<br />

Figure 8.6<br />

Word Recognition. In one<br />

investigation the chimpanzee Gua<br />

and the child Donald were reared like<br />

sister and brother for almost a year.<br />

At first the chimp was superior in<br />

word recognition, responding to such<br />

commands as, "Get up on the chair."<br />

Donald's early inferiority might be<br />

explained on the basis of less<br />

physical ability, and by the end of the<br />

research he was clearly ahead of his<br />

sister. Here he responds to the<br />

command, "Take Gua's hand"<br />

(Kellogg & Kellogg, 1967).

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