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Developmental psychology.pdf

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388 Individual Differences<br />

Figure 14.18<br />

Age and Mental Ability: Cross-<br />

Sectional Results. According to<br />

these data, obtained from individuals<br />

of different ages studied at the same<br />

time, mental abilities begin to decline<br />

early in the third decade of life<br />

(Schaie & Strother, 1968).<br />

55<br />

I 50<br />

cc<br />

45<br />

yr Numb }Г<br />

Re isoning'<br />

i<br />

Composite IQ<br />

\<br />

Verbal m janing<br />

—i —<br />

40<br />

23 33 43<br />

Mean age<br />

53 63<br />

more pronounced for some functions than for others, but again the general pattern was<br />

confirmed (Schaie, 1958; Figure 14.18).<br />

Gradually, certain limitations in the cross-sectional method became apparent.<br />

First, there is a loss of subjects at the older age levels. Second, because of steady cultural<br />

improvements, younger subjects have received a better education than older ones.<br />

The differences in performance perhaps were due to improvements in younger persons,<br />

rather than a decline in older ones. Especially in the United States, the average number<br />

of years of formal education has increased steadily, and in general the quality of formal<br />

education has improved. Young adults might perform better than older people simply<br />

because they have received a superior education. In a rapidly changing society, it is<br />

difficult or impossible to obtain matched samples at the different age levels.<br />

Longitudinal Method Another research approach is more time-consuming. It is<br />

called the longitudinal method, for the same subjects are tested and retested at several<br />

different age levels. The idea is to study them regularly as they grow older. This aim<br />

makes these investigations relatively rare, for several years must pass before significant<br />

effects can be observed.<br />

Longitudinal investigations begun 25 to 50 years ago are yielding significant<br />

results today, and they have indicated a pattern quite different from that found in the<br />

cross-sectional approach. Follow-up studies of 768 Termites in adulthood have shown<br />

that they, and their bright but generally less gifted spouses, experience continuous<br />

growth in a number of areas of abstract thinking, even up to age 50 (Bayley & Oden,<br />

1955).<br />

Longitudinal studies in England with 141 college graduates yielded similar<br />

results. This research involved a wide variety of tasks, including vocabulary, spatial<br />

relations, numerical problems, analogies, and other forms of reasoning, and it was concluded<br />

that gifted persons give no evidence of decline in test performance at least until<br />

they are in their late forties (Nisbet, 1957).<br />

But longitudinal studies are not without defect either, as a closer look shows.<br />

Ideally, the only difference between a longitudinal subject at a younger and older age<br />

occurs from the general impact ofsging per se, but subjects at the older ages are benefiting<br />

from our expanding fund of knowledge and vastly improved methods of disseminating<br />

it. Their increased intellectual capacity may be attributable to the greater<br />

availability of knowledge within the culture. In short, cultures develop just as people<br />

do, and cultural advances can influence the results of longitudinal studies, as well.<br />

Dealing with Cultural Change One method of dealing with this problem involves<br />

the use of control subjects. These people are the same age as were the longitudinal<br />

subjects at the time of their first testing. The difference in performance.'if any, between<br />

the longitudinal subjects at their first testing and the control subjects at this same age<br />

represents the amount of cultural change. When this amount is subtracted from adult<br />

performance at any point, it serves as a correction for cultural improvements.

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