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Arthur R. Butz – The Hoax Of The Twentieth Century

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<strong>Arthur</strong> R. <strong>Butz</strong>, <strong>The</strong> <strong>Hoax</strong> of the <strong>Twentieth</strong> <strong>Century</strong><br />

only known instance of Kaltenbrunner’s involvement with the internal operation<br />

of the camps was in his order of March 1945, concerning permission for the Red<br />

Cross to establish itself in the camps (how he assumed authority for giving this<br />

order we do not know). He made a great deal of this matter in his defense and,<br />

rather than setting the record straight in regard to the catastrophic conditions in<br />

the camps at the end of the war, he inflated his action in connection with the Red<br />

Cross to make it appear to be an act against concentration camps as such, which,<br />

of course, he had always deplored anyway, he said.<br />

Kaltenbrunner’s second point was that, as everybody would agree, it was his<br />

predecessor Heydrich, and not he, who had organized the details of the Jewish<br />

policy, whatever that policy was. He took over the RSHA in 1943 with a directive<br />

from Himmler to build up the intelligence service of the SD, a fact which he distorted<br />

in claiming that, under the new arrangement, in which Himmler was not going<br />

to allow anybody to grow to the stature that Heydrich had attained, Kaltenbrunner<br />

was to concern himself only with intelligence and not to have any control<br />

over the police and security functions of the RSHA, in particular the Gestapo,<br />

which sent political prisoners to the camps and also, through Eichmann’s office,<br />

administered the Jewish deportations. Thus, according to Kaltenbrunner, there<br />

was no respect in which he could be held responsible for exterminations of Jews<br />

that, he conceded, had taken place just as the Allies charged (except that they had<br />

started, according to Kaltenbrunner, in 1940). Indeed, according to him, it was not<br />

until the summer of 1943 that he learned of the extermination program that<br />

Eichmann of his department was conducting. He learned from the foreign press<br />

and the enemy radio. He got Himmler to admit it early in 1944 and then protested,<br />

first to Hitler, then to Himmler. <strong>The</strong> extermination program was stopped in October<br />

1944, “chiefly due to (his) intervention.” 320 <strong>The</strong> manner in which Kaltenbrunner<br />

claimed to have learned of the exterminations, while nonsense, is nevertheless<br />

consistent with the extreme secrecy that is always said to have been maintained in<br />

connection with the extermination program.<br />

Kaltenbrunner’s story was complete rubbish, but this fact should not blind us<br />

to the serious character of this testimony as defense strategy. Suppose that Kaltenbrunner<br />

had testified that no extermination program had existed. In such a<br />

case, any leniency shown by the court in the judgment would have been tantamount<br />

to that court’s conceding the untruth, or possible untruth, of the extermination<br />

claim, a political impossibility. By claiming that, while the extermination<br />

program had existed, Kaltenbrunner had had no responsibility and had even opposed<br />

it, the defense was making it politically possible for the court to be lenient<br />

in some sense or was at least making a serious attempt along this line. A few seconds’<br />

reflection reveals that this was the only possible strategy for Kaltenbrunner<br />

on the extermination charge. <strong>The</strong> trial was obviously going to end with some<br />

death sentences, some acquittals, and some in between dispositions of cases; this<br />

was necessary in order to give it the semblance of a real trial. Thus, on analysis,<br />

we see that there was perfectly sound lawyer’s logic operating in Kaltenbrunner’s<br />

320<br />

224<br />

IMT, vol. 11, 273-276, 335.

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