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Arthur R. Butz – The Hoax Of The Twentieth Century

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Chapter 6: Et Cetera<br />

mann, Israel had spat on Argentine sovereignty and, from a lawyer’s point of<br />

view, the only hope of securing a favorable verdict (a prison sentence to be later<br />

commuted) depended upon world opinion developing so as to encourage Israel to<br />

temper its arrogance somewhat with a magnanimous gesture. However, the possibility<br />

of such an outcome depended upon presenting a defense whose fundamental<br />

acceptance by the Jerusalem court would have been within the realm of political<br />

possibility. Thus, just as with the Nuremberg defendants, Eichmann’s only possible<br />

defense under the circumstances was to deny personal responsibility.<br />

Eichmann conceded the existence of an extermination program, and the first<br />

edition of Reitlinger’s book was accepted by both sides as approximately descriptive<br />

of what had happened. Eichmann’s fundamental defense, thus, was that he<br />

had merely organized the transports of Jews in obedience to orders that could not<br />

be disobeyed. In one respect, his defense was partially successful, for his (accurate)<br />

picture of himself as a mere “cog in a machine” has been more or less universally<br />

accepted by those who have studied and written about this trial (e.g. Hannah<br />

Arendt’s book).<br />

Actually, Eichmann inflated himself a bit beyond “cog” status, for a secondary<br />

feature of his testimony is that he claimed that he, Eichmann, had done whatever a<br />

person as lowly as he could do in order to sabotage the extermination program,<br />

and his interpretations of the meanings of many of the documents used in the trial<br />

were obviously strained in this respect. A good example was Eichmann’s commentary<br />

on two particular documents. <strong>The</strong> first document was a complaint by the<br />

commander of the Lodz resettlement camp, dated September 24, 1941, complaining<br />

of overcrowding at the camp due to tremendous transports of Jews that were<br />

pouring in:<br />

“And now they face me with a fait accompli, as it were, that I have to absorb<br />

20,000 Jews into the ghetto within the shortest possible period of time,<br />

but further that I have to absorb 5,000 gypsies.”<br />

<strong>The</strong> letter is addressed to the local head of government. <strong>The</strong> second document<br />

is a letter by that local head, dated October 9, 1941, passing on the complaint to<br />

Berlin, and adding that Eichmann had acted like a “horse dealer” in sending the<br />

Jewish transport to Lodz for, contrary to Eichmann’s claim, the transport had not<br />

been approved. Eichmann’s Jerusalem testimony in regard to these documents<br />

was that there were only two places he could have shipped the Jews to, the East<br />

(where he was supposed to send them, he said) or Lodz. However, according to<br />

him, there were exterminations in the East at that time, but none at Lodz. Being in<br />

strong disapproval of the exterminations and doing everything that his low office<br />

permitted to thwart them, he shipped the Jews to Lodz despite the inadequate<br />

preparations there. 325<br />

This feature of Eichmann’s defense strategy is also illustrated by his testimony<br />

regarding the “trucks for Hungarian Jews” proposals of 1944. He naturally attempted<br />

to represent efforts on the German side to conclude the deal as being due<br />

in no small measure to the force of his initiative, motivated, again, by Eichmann’s<br />

325<br />

Eichmann, session 78, N1-O1; session 98, T1-W1.<br />

227

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