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Arthur R. Butz – The Hoax Of The Twentieth Century

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Chapter 3: Washington and New York<br />

During the late summer and autumn of 1942, Wise had continuously campaigned<br />

for the Allied governments to take a public position directly condemning<br />

the alleged exterminations of Jews in Europe. On December 8, 1942, Wise led a<br />

delegation to the White House and presented to President Roosevelt a twentypage<br />

document entitled Blue Print for Extermination, which was based on the sort<br />

of “information” we have reviewed. Related Jewish pressures finally brought capitulation<br />

to Wise on the mythical exterminations, and on December 17, 1942, the<br />

Allies, led by Washington, issued a statement condemning the exterminations. A<br />

related statement, released two days later, claimed exterminations at Belzec and at<br />

Chelmno, but Auschwitz was not mentioned (the relevant news stories are reviewed<br />

below).<br />

Despite this public declaration, the group headed by J. Breckenridge Long<br />

continued to resist the propaganda. On January 19, 1943, Riegner gave Harrison<br />

the “information” that “in one place in Poland 6,000 Jews are killed daily.” On<br />

January 21, Harrison communicated this material to the State Department and also<br />

to certain unspecified “private Jewish agencies,” apparently meaning Wise. <strong>The</strong><br />

message was merely filed, and the Department made no public mention of it. For<br />

a time, the private Jewish agencies were also silent about the message. On February<br />

10, Long’s group took a further step in suppression of such propaganda. In a<br />

message signed by Welles (who is said to have not read the message) and with<br />

particular reference to Harrison’s cable of January 21, it instructed Harrison:<br />

“in the future, reports submitted to you for transmission to private persons<br />

in the United States should not be accepted unless extraordinary circumstances<br />

make such action advisable. It is felt that by sending such private messages<br />

which circumvent neutral countries’ censorship we risk the possibility<br />

that neutral countries might find it necessary to take steps to curtail or abolish<br />

our official secret means of communication.”<br />

Finally, on February 14, the New York Times published the story (see below).<br />

For explanation of the delay of four weeks in publishing the story, despite its being<br />

received by “private Jewish agencies” on January 21, and despite the evident<br />

policy of publishing the unsupported claims of such agencies, we can only conjecture<br />

that certain unknown persons were hoping that the State Department, given<br />

the precedent of the declaration of December 17, would release the “information”<br />

so as to confer a greater credibility than would have been granted to the story as it<br />

eventually appeared: a claim indistinguishable in terms of authority from the average<br />

sort of atrocity claim.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Treasury (which, because of Morgenthau’s long crusade against Germany,<br />

had repeatedly interfered in the conduct of foreign affairs since at least 1936 131 )<br />

was soon to come into conflict with State over this suppression. A second and<br />

more substantial basis for conflict between the two Departments was also established<br />

in February 1943. It was learned that the Romanian government was prepared<br />

to transfer 70,000 Jews to Palestine on Romanian ships bearing Vatican insignia<br />

(it is unlikely that the Romanians really cared where the Jews were sent, so<br />

131<br />

Hull, 471-473.<br />

85

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