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Thursday 16 April 2015 11:00 - 12:30<br />

PAPER SESSION 4<br />

public sphere. While in the first few weeks after the attacks there were repeated calls for covert and overt antiimmigration<br />

attitudes to become untenable in Norway, such fundamental changes did not occur in the long-run.<br />

However, some of our informants saw negotiations of societal collectivity to be more present in the public sphere since<br />

the attacks. Others maintained that Norwegian public discourse still is marked by political correctness, giving little<br />

room for anti-immigration viewpoints. Exploring different understandings of the political and social reasons for and<br />

consequences of July 22nd as they emerge in our data, we find that the struggle over the power to define 'the<br />

collective we' is contested by actors with different political outlooks. There is much emphasis on the freedom of<br />

speech, but less on the implications of implicitly racialised notions of the national in the Norwegian context, which<br />

affects the nature of negotiations about 'the collective we'.<br />

The Electoral Rise and Fall Of the British National Party: A Sociological Critique of 'External Supply-side<br />

Theories'<br />

Ashe, S.<br />

(University of Manchester)<br />

In 2006, when the British National Party (BNP) won 12 local council seats in the outer-East London Borough of<br />

Barking and Dagenham, they became the official opposition to the Labour Party. Four years later the BNP lost all 12<br />

of their seats. This paper offers a Gramscian analysis of the extent to which the local political-cultural context may<br />

have facilitated the BNP's electoral rise and fall in outer-East London. It will be argued that the emphasis Antonio<br />

Gramsci's prison notebooks place on the relationship between 'political society' and 'civil society' and the concept of<br />

'hegemonic apparatus' can enhance 'external supply-side' perspectives of extreme right-wing electoral performance.<br />

In doing so, the discussion here also draws attention to recent developments in sociological Marxism and highlights<br />

limitations and key silences in the way in which Erik Olin Wright and Michael Burawoy have interpreted Gramsci's<br />

analysis of the relationship between the state and civil society. It is argued that the concept of 'hegemonic apparatus'<br />

offers us the means to understand more <strong>full</strong>y how hegemonic apparatuses politicise the cultural and how political<br />

dominance in the local realm is rooted in the contours of local civic society. It will be demonstrated that the BNP's<br />

electoral breakthrough in Barking and Dagenham was not just a warning signal about the 'advanced decay of local<br />

political parties', it was also an indication of the weakening of Labour's local 'hegemonic apparatus' and how the<br />

rebuilding of Labour's hegemonic apparatus contributed to the BNP's electoral demise.<br />

Rights, Violence and Crime<br />

W119, HAMISH WOOD BUILDING<br />

The Mitigation of Climate Change as Genocide<br />

Crook, M.<br />

(School of Advanced Study, University of London)<br />

With the hunan rights implications of climate change well established in the literature, it is morbidly ironic that the<br />

political-economic tools used to mitigate anthropogenic climate, are violating the human rights of indigenous people<br />

and in some cases causing genocide. This paper will argue that market mechanisms institutionalised by the Kyoto<br />

protocol since 1997, such as carbon markets are failing to 'decarbonize' the global economy and transform the<br />

capitalist mode of organization into a 'greener' more sustainable capitalism. Further, drawing on the sociology of<br />

genocide originated and inspired by Raphael Lemkin and the 'value analysis' found in Marxist political economy, the<br />

institutionalisation of carbon markets will be shown to exacerbate uneven development, regional and global<br />

inequalities and hurt the most vulnerable and poorest communities in the developing world, in some cases menacing<br />

the group life of social collectives. Carbon markets will be shown as part of a long history of capitalist devlopment and<br />

merely new modes of capital accumulation which extend the commodification of nature and reconstitute the nature–<br />

society relation in a desperate bid to solve an accumulation crisis. The paper concludes by showing that this new<br />

'ecological regime' is unlikely to alter the nature and operation of capitalism and propel it towards a greener future and<br />

will continue to violate the rights of indigenous people all over the world, in some cases leading to group death, as<br />

understood by a Lemkinian genoicde lens.<br />

The Third World and the International Rights Regime<br />

D'Souza, R.<br />

(University of Westminster)<br />

BSA Annual Conference 2015 158<br />

Glasgow Caledonian University

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