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Friday 17 April 2015 11:00 - 12:30<br />

PAPER SESSION 7<br />

sector and often a requirement for entering Aidland which includes a variety of aid organizations, such as nongovernmental<br />

organizations and UN agencies. Aidwork can be precarious employment and privilege of those who<br />

have independent means, i.e. who can afford to forgo a regular income. Paradoxically, it is a privilege to participate in<br />

low or unpaid precarious aidwork. Given intermittent work-patterns, aidwork is characterized by both high intensity and<br />

by breaks in between assignments and living and working conditions in rural and remote areas can be understood as<br />

a form of 'slow living' which involves a distance from consumer culture and a search for authenticity. Aidwork raises<br />

important questions concerning the meaning of work and can be considered a vocation and a means to selfactualization.<br />

It enables one to explore the complex and contradictory relationship between self-realization, trauma<br />

and personal growth. Paradoxically, those who engage in aidwork experience well-being which is gained through<br />

confronting the suffering of others which they try to alleviate or which demonstrates their own privileged position.<br />

Moreover, given the increasing number of attacks on aid personnel, aidwork can be considered edgework or voluntary<br />

risk-taking which is a response to alienating and highly regulated working conditions.<br />

More than Just Money?: A Sociological Analysis of the Relationship between Feminist Organisations and<br />

Funders in Scotland<br />

Maxwell, T.<br />

(University of Aberdeen)<br />

Feminist researchers have sought to uncover women's experiences of violence (Walby 2009, Stanko 2003, Sweetman<br />

1998, Kelly 1988) and have demonstrated, albeit with differing points of focus and emphasis, that tangible, systemic<br />

and symbolic violence towards women is a cause and consequence of asymmetrical gender systems of power<br />

(Kordvani 2002, Morgan and Bjorkert 2006, Zizek 2009). These insights have encouraged the spread of grassroots<br />

feminist organisations across the world, many of whom are now, financially supported by local and national<br />

government (Martin 2005, Metzendorf 2005, Ferree and Martin 1995, English 2011, Reineltl 1994). However how<br />

stable and sustainable are feminist organisations? What are some of the benefits and challenges of receiving funding<br />

from government?<br />

In this paper, I will describe and reflect upon the experiences of workers in feminist organisations gathered through<br />

qualitative interviews. I will argue that feminist organisations appear to be under considerable strain as a result of the<br />

impacts of the financial crisis, coupled with increasing demand which is leading organisations to use more and more<br />

creative and innovative strategies in order to survive. This paper will specifically focus upon specific funding streams<br />

available to feminist organisations; the Violence Against Women Fund, Rape Crisis Specific Fund and the Strategic<br />

Interventions Fund. These are financed by the Scottish Government's Equality Unit and administered by the Voluntary<br />

Action Fund in Scotland. I will explore the relationship between funders and feminist organisations to examine if the<br />

interactions and partnerships are about more than just money.<br />

Work, Employment and Economic Life 2<br />

W823, HAMISH WOOD BUILDING<br />

Opting out and in: High and Low-income Women Working on Their Own Terms<br />

Biese, I., McKie, L.<br />

(Hanken School of Economics)<br />

During the past decade opting out has been debated both academically and in the media. The debate has mainly<br />

been about high-powered women who opt out of successful careers to stay home <strong>full</strong>time with their children. Recent<br />

research has introduced a new definition of opting out, that is not limited to stay-at-home mothers, but that rather is an<br />

opting out of mainstream career models to opt in to alternative lifestyles where one can live and work on one's own<br />

terms. For women with children or other care responsibilities, this means opting in to lifestyles where they can<br />

combine work and care in a meaningful way, not having to give one up for the other. However, it is not only highpowered,<br />

high-income women who struggle to combine different areas of life. Low-income women struggle to find a<br />

sense of control over their lives as it becomes increasingly difficult to create coherent life narratives in this hectic era<br />

of globalization and individualization. Unlike high-income women, low-income women have less monetary resources<br />

to create solutions that work for them. This paper examines the opting out and in experiences of high-income women<br />

in Finland and the US and low-income women in Scotland. Narratives illuminate similar, yet different experiences.<br />

Women talk of making sense of caring and working 'on their own terms' but these differ across spatial and economic<br />

contexts as well as the women's social capital. We conclude by reflecting on women's embodiment of the tensions<br />

concerning working and caring in multifaceted unequal societies.<br />

283 BSA Annual Conference 2015<br />

Glasgow Caledonian University

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