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Australia Yearbook - 2001

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Chapter 10—Education and training 443<br />

introduction of new school legislation in 1961<br />

and the implementation of the ‘scheme’ between<br />

1962 and 1964, suggest something of the process<br />

and pace of major school reform in <strong>Australia</strong>.<br />

New South Wales’ planners had to accommodate<br />

serious opposition from within the State<br />

Government’s ranks, from the social elite who<br />

had graduated from the State’s selective schools,<br />

from teachers’ industrial and professional<br />

associations, and from some elite private schools<br />

and university academics. Ultimately the reforms<br />

were accepted by the education community<br />

because they preserved aspects of the traditional<br />

systems, while laying the template for the<br />

structure of today’s secondary education in NSW.<br />

In contrast, the Queensland Government was<br />

able to dispense with its obsolete State secondary<br />

system within three years. Its Education Act 1964<br />

raised the minimum school leaving age to 15,<br />

abolished the primary school scholarship<br />

examination and the university’s control over<br />

most of the secondary school curriculum, and<br />

encouraged the growth of comprehensive State<br />

high schools.<br />

Nevertheless, this transformative period of<br />

“secondary schooling for all” should not be<br />

identified with equality of educational<br />

opportunities through extended access to<br />

secondary education. The conservation of the<br />

all-pervasive academic curriculum, the<br />

persistence of external examinations, still largely<br />

based on competitive selection for university, and<br />

the role of the Commonwealth and States’<br />

financial aid to non-elite private schools, and<br />

especially for Roman Catholic schools to<br />

modernise their curriculum and teaching, meant<br />

that participation and success in public secondary<br />

schooling were highly differentiated by social<br />

geography and gender. Thus despite the rapid<br />

expansion of high school facilities and resources<br />

in Victoria between 1950 and 1975, social<br />

inequalities within the State system prevailed.<br />

Studies of Melbourne’s high schools by Teese<br />

(1989) claim that, for 1972, completion rates for<br />

secondary schooling were 25% lower for students<br />

attending schools in the working class suburbs<br />

than for those attending schools in middle class<br />

locations. Moreover, for both locations, girls had<br />

completion rates that were half those of boys,<br />

suggesting that girls were still being ‘ghettoed’<br />

into terminal streams in high schools, and<br />

dropping out of school earlier and more<br />

frequently than boys.<br />

Universal secondary<br />

education?<br />

The increase in secondary education capacity<br />

across all sectors between the late 1960s and<br />

late 1970s offered portents of a second silent<br />

revolution in education towards the end of<br />

the century. Specifically, the restructuring of<br />

the <strong>Australia</strong>n secondary school, especially in<br />

curriculum and teaching, and the funding of<br />

these changes by the States and the<br />

Commonwealth, could provide the<br />

springboard for the introduction of universal<br />

secondary education in <strong>Australia</strong>, i.e. the<br />

level of education where almost all 16–17<br />

year olds stayed on at schooling, either at<br />

secondary schools, alternative educational<br />

sites or programs, or in a combination of<br />

part-time education, training and work.<br />

Secondary schooling underwent its most<br />

pronounced forms of modernisation in this<br />

period. Public examination reform both<br />

reflected this process and was affected by it,<br />

especially in the large number of students<br />

who remained at secondary school, where<br />

once their cohort would have exited full-time<br />

schooling at the end of Year 10. The notable<br />

reforms of this period included the abolition<br />

of external examinations except for the final<br />

year, a shift towards school-based<br />

examinations, including recognition of<br />

alternative curriculum pathways, and the<br />

introduction or extension of school system<br />

certification. Furthermore the use of external<br />

assessment was modified by a mix of external<br />

and teacher-based school assessment, with<br />

much more emphasis on ongoing<br />

assessment and moderation of standards by<br />

teacher peers in conjunction with an<br />

examination by authorities. In the latter,<br />

Queensland hosted the most radical reforms,<br />

while other States moved more slowly, if<br />

at all.<br />

The dismantling or partial dismantling of<br />

public examinations systems indicated a<br />

newfound trust by authorities in the<br />

professionalism of secondary school<br />

teachers. This had been assisted by the<br />

recognition that for the first time these<br />

teachers were adequately prepared<br />

professionally for teaching by the universities<br />

and the teachers’ colleges, the latter now<br />

free of education department control. There<br />

was also a recognition that professional<br />

development time was available for teachers,

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