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Australia Yearbook - 2001

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488 Year Book <strong>Australia</strong> <strong>2001</strong><br />

1,727 per 100,000 adult Indigenous population.<br />

The ABS (4512.0, December Quarter 1999, p. 5)<br />

reports that at the end of the century the<br />

Indigenous rate of imprisonment was 15 times<br />

the non-Indigenous rate.<br />

In 1987 a Royal Commission into Aboriginal<br />

Deaths in Custody was established. This Royal<br />

Commission found that the over-representation<br />

in prisons and in their contacts with the criminal<br />

justice system was a significant factor in<br />

Aboriginal deaths in custody.<br />

The <strong>Australia</strong>n Institute of Criminology monitors<br />

all deaths in prison and police custody. From<br />

1980 to 1999 there were 846 deaths in <strong>Australia</strong>n<br />

prisons. Of these 393 (or 46.4%) were suicides.<br />

On average there have been 42.3 deaths per year<br />

over the two decades. Of the 846 deaths, 132<br />

were of Indigenous people—15.6% of the total.<br />

Some 44% of Indigenous deaths were by suicide<br />

compared with 47% of non-Indigenous deaths<br />

(Dalton 1999; Dalton 2000).<br />

One cause of death in prison which no longer<br />

occurs is that of execution by the state. In 1900<br />

there were 10 executions (seven of which were in<br />

Western <strong>Australia</strong>) and in 1901 there were eight<br />

(five in Queensland and three in New South<br />

Wales). The numbers declined to between two<br />

and six for every year until 1923—the first year in<br />

over 100 years in which there were no<br />

executions. There were between one and three<br />

executions in 26 of the next 44 years (until<br />

abolition of the death penalty in 1967).<br />

The 10 and 8 executions in 1900 and 1901 were<br />

down considerably from the peak years of 1826 to<br />

1830 when the annual numbers of executions<br />

were 75, 59, 39, 19 and 80 (and this was in New<br />

South Wales and Tasmania only!).<br />

While the ABS has conducted an annual census of<br />

prisoners since 1994 (and the AIC for several<br />

years before then) we know little more about<br />

prisoners than their demographic characteristics<br />

and their offences. Of the many immigrant<br />

groups in <strong>Australia</strong> nearly all have rates of<br />

imprisonment lower than that of the<br />

<strong>Australia</strong>n-born population. In 1998 there were<br />

four groups that had imprisonment rates higher<br />

than those of <strong>Australia</strong>n-born: those born in New<br />

Zealand and Oceania; Turkey; Viet Nam; and<br />

Lebanon (Carcach and Grant 2000).<br />

Prison numbers have increased sharply in<br />

<strong>Australia</strong> in the 1990s, and one line of argument is<br />

that changes to our mental health system, and in<br />

particular the move to deinstitutionalisation,<br />

have put out onto the streets many who<br />

would otherwise not be at risk of minor<br />

offending and victimisation.<br />

The conditions in prisons today are<br />

significantly better than a century ago. In the<br />

early 1890s in New South Wales those serving<br />

sentences of up to 14 days were to receive<br />

only bread and water during their term of<br />

imprisonment. Offenders serving sentences<br />

from 14 days to six months were to alternate<br />

on a weekly basis between bread and water<br />

and normal rations, while those serving<br />

sentences in excess of six months would be<br />

kept on bread and water for the final 14 days<br />

of their terms.<br />

In addition to these dietary restrictions,<br />

offenders serving sentences of less than six<br />

months were required to sleep on a plank<br />

bed without a mattress. In 1894, with the<br />

Government’s authorisation, the then<br />

Comptroller-General of Prisons reinstituted<br />

the gag in order to check the use of what he<br />

termed “blasphemous and frequently vile<br />

and filthy language”. Intensive criticism saw<br />

the Government withdraw this authority in<br />

the following year (Grabosky 1977, p. 99).<br />

A new Comptroller-General, Fredrick W.<br />

Neitenstein, was appointed in 1896 and his<br />

concern was largely with reform and<br />

rehabilitation rather than punishment,<br />

deterrence and retribution. The new century<br />

began with Neitenstein lamenting the fact<br />

that his prisons were warehouses for the<br />

cast-offs of society, people with substance<br />

abuse problems, mental illness, intellectual<br />

impairment and low levels of education and<br />

employment. A century later, these<br />

characteristics describe many in <strong>Australia</strong>’s<br />

prisons today.<br />

Drunkenness<br />

Much of the writing on <strong>Australia</strong>n history of<br />

the 18th and 19th centuries focuses on<br />

drunkenness. In Peter Grabosky’s seminal<br />

history of criminal behaviour in Sydney,<br />

there are the same number of index entries<br />

for drunkenness as there are for theft, rape,<br />

robbery, murder, homosexual behaviour, and<br />

domestic violence put together (Grabosky<br />

1977).

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