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0021-1818_islam_98-1-2-i-259

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Notes on Some Turkish Personal Names in Seljūq Military History 99<br />

was then sold in the slave market of Nakhshab in Samanid Transoxania, is exceptional.<br />

3<br />

As has been stressed in the previous two onomastic studies mentioned<br />

above, it has seemed to the present author important that the Turkish names, so<br />

recurrent in the history of the central and eastern Islamic lands from the fifth/<br />

eleventh century onwards, should be examined from the philological aspect and<br />

their correct forms, very often mangled by Arabic and Persian authors and copyists<br />

who knew no Turkish and, less excusably, by the modern scholars citing<br />

them, should be elucidated as far as possible. This need was recognised by Albert<br />

von Le Coq over eighty years ago („Viele der türkischen Namen sind von<br />

den europäischen Übersetzern und Historikern falsch vokalisiert worden“, as he<br />

wrote in his „Türkische Namen und Titel in Indien“, in Aus Indiens Kultur. Festgabe<br />

R. von Garbe … zu seinem 70. Geburtstag dargebracht von seinen Freunden,<br />

Verehrern und Schülern, Erlangen 1927, 1); and two or more decades later, in 1950,<br />

Jean Sauvaget did pioneering work on the Turkish onomastic of the Mamluks,<br />

a work which does not however seem to have been followed up by the comparatively<br />

numerous group of workers in what is now the flourishing field of<br />

Mamluk history and literature, those whom one might term Mamlukologists.<br />

Sauvaget noted there that „Les noms propres turcs qui foisonnent dans les chroniques<br />

arabes du Moyen-Âge n’ont point été traité par les arabisants d’une manière<br />

rationelle“ („Noms et surnoms de Mamelouks“, 31), and the task of elucidating<br />

these names is in fact more one for the Turcologist than the Arabist. It is true<br />

that, until a half-century or so ago, the Hilfsmittel for the study of Turkish onomastic<br />

had not advanced greatly beyond the nineteenth-century works of Pavet de<br />

Courteille, Sir James Redhouse, and W. Radloff and other Russian scholars<br />

working in Siberia and Turkestan, despite the publication in 1917 by Kilisli Rif^at<br />

Bey of Ma1mud al-Kashghar\’s infinitely valuable Diwan lughat al-turk. This last<br />

Turkish-Arabic dictionary has since then formed a major basis for our vastly improved<br />

knowledge of the earlier stages of the Turkic languages, fully utilised<br />

in what are now the fundamental reference works of László Rásonyi, Gerhard<br />

Doerfer and Sir Gerard Clauson (for a general survey of the development<br />

of Turkish lexicography and resultant knowledge of Turkish onomastic over<br />

the last 150 years or so, see János Eckmann, EI, art. „ Kamus. 3. Turkish lexicography“).<br />

3 See C.E. Bosworth, The Ghaznavids, their Empire in Afghanistan and Eastern Iran 994:1040,<br />

Edinburgh 1963, 39–40. The Ghaznavids’ court panegyrists occasionally mention in their poetry<br />

the tribes from which the sultans’ ghulam troops came (ibid., 109), but without information on<br />

the origins of specific commanders or soldiers.

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