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0021-1818_islam_98-1-2-i-259

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Was al-Maqrizi’s Khitat Khaldunian History? 133<br />

quarters, streets, squares, famous mansions, hammams, khans, rab^s (apartment<br />

buildings), markets, hukrs (urban zones), bridges, ponds, hippodromes, citadels,<br />

mosques, madrasas, hospitals, khanqahs, shrines, zawiyas, cimeteries, mausolea,<br />

synagogues, and churches are arranged in this order, and are each recorded,<br />

dated, and described. Woven into this typological narrative are brief passages on<br />

the country’s Ayyubid and Mamluk sultans and biographical notices on the patrons<br />

of the city’s main monuments, in addition to copious entries on its wonders<br />

and religious merits, the ceremonies observed by its various religious groups, and<br />

the sectarian history of Islam.<br />

Al-Maqr\z\’s most impressive achievement in this book is primarily conceptual:<br />

he is the only historian in the medieval period to have presented the city as a<br />

human artifact replete with intentions, competitions, scheming, vanity, and good<br />

deeds. His book still resonates with modern commentators on Cairo not just as an<br />

invaluable historical source, but also, and perhaps more powerfully, as a challenging<br />

and emotional discursive oeuvre laced with political and sociocultural pronouncements<br />

dispersed throughout the narrative ambitions and disjunctions of<br />

the encyclopedic and cosmocentric thrust of the text. 57 This, in my opinion, is a reflection<br />

of al-Maqr\z\’s love of Cairo and his vocal distress at its rapid decline, at<br />

least as he was seeing it in the early fifteenth century. But it may also indicate an<br />

indebtedness to Ibn Khaldun’s overall theorizing of ^umran (a concept ranging<br />

between settlement and civilization), even though there is no reference in al-<br />

Maqr\z\’s text to the concept, and only one mention of the book in which it was developed,<br />

which suggests that he at least had access to the Muqaddima when he<br />

wrote his Khitat. 58<br />

10, 2 (2006): 81–139; “Maqriziana II: Discovery of an Autograph Manuscript of al-Maqr\z\:<br />

Towards a Better Understanding of His Working Method: Analysis,” MSR 12, 1 (2006) 51–114:<br />

“Maqriziana IV: Le carnet de notes d’al-Maqr\z\: l’apport de la codicologie à une meilleure compréhension<br />

de sa constitution,” Manuscripta orientalia 9 (2003): 24–36; “The Recovery of Mamluk<br />

Chancery Documents in an Unsuspected Place,” in The Mamluks in Egyptian and Syrian<br />

Politics and Society, Michael Winter and Amalia Levanoni, eds. (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 59–76;<br />

and “Maqriziana IX: Should al-Maqr\z\ Be Thrown out with the Bath Water? The Question of his<br />

Plagiarism of al-Aw1ad\’s Khitat and the Documentary Evidence.”<br />

57 Most modern historians of Cairo rely heavily on al-Maqr\z\’s data and many even adopt his<br />

methods and reflect his cosmocentric attitude by considering the city’s architectural history an<br />

autonomous development, see my “Writing the History of Islamic Architecture in Cairo,” Design<br />

Book Review 31 (Winter 1994): 48–51; also my “The Medieval Link: Maqr\z\’s Khitat and Modern<br />

Narratives of Cairo,” in Making Cairo Medieval, eds. Nezar AlSayyad, Irene Bierman, and Nasser<br />

Rabbat (Lantham, Md.: Lexington Press, 2005), 29–47.<br />

58 al-Maqr\z\, Khitat, 3: 606, and note 1, quotes a long passage from the Muqaddima about the<br />

evolution of the Arabs’ relationship to the sea.

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