0021-1818_islam_98-1-2-i-259
0021-1818_islam_98-1-2-i-259
0021-1818_islam_98-1-2-i-259
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First Century Sources for the Life of Mu1ammad? A Debate 55<br />
events can be traced with some credibility to al-Zuhr\”), 240 and assumes that al-<br />
Zuhr\ did not invent the story himself but instead “pieced together the various<br />
traditions about this episode, many of which may have originated among the<br />
members of the Ka^b family [ital. HM].” 241 Motzki shares this view but, for good<br />
reason, he also includes the versions of ^Abdallah b. Unays and Abu Is1aq al-<br />
Sab\^\ among these “various traditions,” which were already in circulation prior<br />
to al-Zuhr\, i.e., in the first century.<br />
At the end of his critical discussion of Motzki’s study, Shoemaker concedes<br />
that the murder of Ibn Ab\ l-0uqayq might indeed be a historical fact. However, he<br />
does not exclude the possibility that the entire story is an invention modeled on<br />
reports of murders of other Jewish opponents of Mu1ammad. Shoemaker provides<br />
a taste of how this invention might have taken place. 242 Of course, it must be<br />
said in this regard that there are no limits to the imagination: Hypothetically, anything<br />
is possible. Researchers should, however, rely on the evidence available in<br />
the sources at hand. For early Islam these are primarily the Islamic traditions with<br />
their texts and chains of transmission and, occasionally, extra-Islamic sources.<br />
The possible influence of other literatures on the texts must naturally also be<br />
taken into account. Shoemaker sees in the narratives about the murder of Ibn<br />
Ab\ l-0uqayq a “rather clear imitation and influence of biblical models.” 243 In<br />
contrast, Motzki, while not excluding the possibility that biblical texts had some<br />
influence, considers the relevant evidence too weak. 244<br />
One of Shoemaker’s final arguments aimed at playing down the significance<br />
of studying the transmission material is the meagerness of the historical kernel<br />
so painstakingly reconstructed by Motzki: “It ultimately does not reveal much<br />
about the ‘historical Mu1ammad’ or the nature of his religious movement.” 245 The<br />
first part of this two-pronged attack is admittedly true, yet it does not detract from<br />
the value of this type of study. After all, acknowledging how little we know with<br />
certainty about the historical Mu1ammad is in itself progress. Yet a multitude of<br />
individual stones can indeed impart an idea of the original, complete mosaic. The<br />
second part of Shoemaker’s attack, i.e., that the reconstructed historical kernel<br />
240 Ibid., 336.<br />
241 Ibid., 333.<br />
242 Ibid., 337–338.<br />
243 Ibid., 339.<br />
244 Motzki, “The Murder,” 229. See also Schoeler’s arguments concerning Mu1ammad’s first<br />
experience of revelation mentioned above 56.<br />
245 Shoemaker, “In Search of ^Urwa’s Sira,” 338. See also 339: “It holds extremely little<br />
information of any value for reconstructing either the beginnings of Islam or the life of<br />
Mu1ammad”.