0021-1818_islam_98-1-2-i-259
0021-1818_islam_98-1-2-i-259
0021-1818_islam_98-1-2-i-259
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132 Nasser Rabbat<br />
ably focuses on the Nile and its canalization and embankments over time as the<br />
historical sources of prosperity of the country. The text then moves to Egypt’s pre-<br />
Islamic history. Here, al-Maqr\z\ cites the usual sources from within the established<br />
Islamic historiographic tradition which had subsumed many Jewish and<br />
Christian Coptic accounts to explain those moments of intersection between the<br />
sacred histories of the Patriarchs and the Prophets of the Peoples of the Books and<br />
ancient Egyptian history. 55<br />
The urban history section begins in earnest with a summary review of the<br />
major Egyptian cities. Only two cities receive more than a compact treatment:<br />
Alexandria, the classical capital, and Fayyum, which was traditionally associated<br />
with the Patriarch Joseph. Al-Maqr\z\ then quickly moves to Cairo and reviews the<br />
site’s ancient history, when the capital of Egypt was elsewhere along the Nile. He<br />
then proceeds systematically from examining the first appearance of a city, al-<br />
Fustat, on the site of the ancient Roman fort of Babylon and its growth and ruin, to<br />
analyzing the founding of al-Qahira as the center of the self-consciously religious<br />
Fatimid caliphate in the tenth-eleventh century. As I already stated, contrary to<br />
the learned consensus in Sunni Mamluk Egypt, al-Maqr\z\’s elucidation of the Fatimid<br />
Caliphate in his Khitat, and his description of the many structures and the<br />
order and decorum it established in Cairo is outwardly commendatory, and often<br />
nostalgic.<br />
Most of the book’s second half is taken up by an extensive typological survey<br />
of Cairo as the capital of the Mamluk state in the thirteenth, fourteenth, and early<br />
fifteenth century, by which time al-Maqr\z\ was mainly recording his own observations<br />
and impressions of the mostly negative changes in the city. 56 The city’s<br />
55 Ibid., 108–109, raises the issue of the origin of the mummies by admitting that neither the<br />
Copts nor the Jews claim them as their ancestors, and that the Muslims know nothing about<br />
them. See the discussion of Michael Cook, “Pharaonic History in Medieval Egypt,” Studia<br />
Islamica 57 (1<strong>98</strong>3): 67–103.<br />
56 In his ongoing codicological and historiographic chronicling of al-Maqr\z\’s researching and<br />
writing method of the Khitat, Frédéric Bauden has uncovered many interesting details, some of<br />
which conclusively condemn al-Maqr\z\ for plagiarizing whatever al-Aw1ad\’s Khitat was. But<br />
Bauden’s research cannot be seen as having established that al-Maqr\z\’s structure of his Khitat,<br />
or the tone of his criticism and nostalgia, or the large sections on pre-Islamic Egypt, on other<br />
Egyptian cities, or on the Fatimids, which together constitute half the book, in addition to all the<br />
data on the Ayyubid and Mamluk structures and individuals missing from al-Aw1ad\’s lists or<br />
those structures and events that happened after his death, were lifted off of al-Aw1ad\’s work.<br />
For Bauden’s massive and continuing work see “Maqriziana I: Discovery of an Autograph Manuscript<br />
of al-Maqr\z\: Towards a Better Understanding of His Working Method: Description: Section<br />
1,” MSR 7, 2 (2003), 21–68; “Maqriziana I: Discovery of an Autograph Manuscript of al-<br />
Maqr\z\: Towards a Better Understanding of His Working Method Description: Section 2,” MSR