0021-1818_islam_98-1-2-i-259
0021-1818_islam_98-1-2-i-259
0021-1818_islam_98-1-2-i-259
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Was al-Maqrizi’s Khitat Khaldunian History? 135<br />
decay and urban contraction of the city under its successive dynasties: the Tulunids,<br />
Ikhsh\dids, Fatimids, Ayyubids, and Qalawunid and Circassian Mamluks.<br />
The political fortune of each of these dynasties is plotted against the fluctuations<br />
of the urban and architectural prosperity of Cairo. Thus, the building of al-<br />
Qata#i^, Ibn Tulun’s lavish capital north of al-Fustat, marks the ascendance of his<br />
short-lived dynasty as does its destruction at the hands of the Abbasid army in<br />
905 date the dynasty’s dissolution. 61 Al-Fustat underwent two cycles of rise and<br />
fall, one in the middle of the Fatimid period during the extended struggle under<br />
Caliph al-Mustansir known as al-shidda al-‘uzma (Great Calamity, 1065–72), and<br />
one towards the end of the caliphate when the Fatimid vizier burned the city in<br />
anticipation of a Crusaders’ attack (1168). 62 More elaborate is the cyclical history<br />
of Fatimid al-Qahira, possibly because of the availability of more source material,<br />
or because of nostalgia to the Fatimids enhanced by al-Maqr\z\’s belief of belonging<br />
to their lineage. But here too al-Maqr\z\ arranges his material in a clear cyclical<br />
pattern that traces the ups and downs of the caliphate until its expiration in<br />
1171. 63 The pattern is less noticeable in the section on the Ayyubids and the early<br />
or Ba1r\ Mamluks probably because the Mamluks were first seen as a continuation<br />
of the Ayyubids and because the Mamluk system cannot be seen as a true<br />
dynastic one except for the case of the Qalawunids, of whom fifteen sultans from<br />
four generations succeeded one another. 64 Another reason for the lack of cyclicality<br />
in al-Maqr\z\’s story of Cairo under the early Mamluks may have been the nostalgia-induced<br />
bias he evinced towards them, which was noted by both his contemporaries<br />
and his modern critiques. 65<br />
All perhaps was meant to culminate in the depiction of the most irreversibly<br />
devastating – according to the angry and cynical al-Maqr\z\ – ruin of the city and<br />
the country under the early Burj\ sultans, especially the ill-fated Faraj b. Barquq,<br />
al-Mu#ayyad Shaykh, and especially al-Ashraf Barsbay whom al-Maqr\z\ specifically<br />
and repeatedly blames for the sorry state of the city’s and sultanate’s affairs.<br />
66 To al-Maqr\z\, the Mamluks of his age were no longer the deserving leaders<br />
their Ba1r\ predecessors had once been, skillfully and thoughtfully managing a<br />
great empire and fighting for the cause of Islam. His deep disappointment trans-<br />
61 Ibid., 2: 80–114.<br />
62 Ibid., 2: 122–46.<br />
63 Ibid., 1: 360–65.<br />
64 Ibid., 3: 750–88, offers a brief chronology of the sultans from Sala1 al-D\n to Barsbay.<br />
65 Ibn Taghr\-Bird\, Nujum, 11: 290–291, chastises his master for being blind to the excesses of<br />
al-Nasir Mu1ammad, which far exceeded the excesses of al-Zahir Barquq, whom al-Maqr\z\<br />
severely censures. Irwin, “Al-Maqr\z\ and Ibn Khaldun,” 228, picks on the same point.<br />
66 Examples in al-Maqr\z\, Khitat, 1: 256, 4, 2: 456, see also idem, Suluk, 4, 2: 1414.