0021-1818_islam_98-1-2-i-259
0021-1818_islam_98-1-2-i-259
0021-1818_islam_98-1-2-i-259
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The The Lure of a Controversial Prayer 143<br />
weekly congregational prayers scrupulously took part in it, 8 side by side with<br />
Sufis, and other devout ‘athletes for God’, who adopted the demanding ritual enthusiastically.<br />
9<br />
Put-together, this corpus offers an unusually vivid picture of a medieval case<br />
of an ‘invention of tradition’. Combining our expertise in Islamic law and in Ayyubid<br />
and Mamluk era social history, we suggest here to use this corpus for a detailed<br />
study of popular piety, scholarly polemics, legal discourse and power politics.<br />
Let us begin with the perspective of ‘ordinary’ Muslims, the men and women<br />
who brightly lit their mosques in preparation for the prayer of great rewards and<br />
gathered in them for the performance of numerous prostrations and the repetition<br />
of hundreds of salutations throughout the night. They apparently believed<br />
that they were following the prescriptions of the Prophet. 10 Commoners, and<br />
some madrasa students, loved the communal gathering and eagerly executed the<br />
demanding rituals accompanying it in the expectation of ‘great rewards’, not the<br />
least of the remission of all sins through the intervention of the angels. 11<br />
Most scholars who wrote about the practice agreed that it was, according to<br />
all evidence, a rather late innovation, a bid^a, and a reprehensible one according<br />
to Islamic law. 12 They all repeat, or refer to, al-Turtush\’s narrative, which claims<br />
that it simply appeared one Rajab night in the second half of the fifth/eleventh<br />
century in the Mosque of al-Aqsa. 13 Moreover, much scholarly attention was devoted<br />
to demonstrating the weak or fabricated status of the supporting hadith, including<br />
the identification of the likely fabricator himself.<br />
8 See texts # 7, 13–15.<br />
9 See texts # 13, 15, 10. Given the mixed social composition of the practitioners of the prayer,<br />
and owing to the very normative character of the devotions they engaged in, we eschew the label<br />
of ‘popular culture’, as opposed to ‘high’ or ‘elite’ culture. For the oft-repeated presentation<br />
and refutation of the ‘two-tiered’ model of culture or religion, see a discussion and review of<br />
the literature in J. Berkey, “Popular Culture under the Mamluks: A Historiographical Survey,”<br />
Mamluk Studies Review 9 (2005): 133–146, and Y. Frenkel, “Popular Culture (Islam, Early and<br />
Middle Periods),” Religion Compass 2 (2008): 195–205. 10.1111/j.1749–8171.2007.00048.x.<br />
10 See texts # 5, 12, 19, 22, 25.<br />
11 See texts # 3, 15, 25.<br />
12 See texts # 1, 6, 16–22, 24. Ibn Rajab stresses the late appearance of the prayer, saying:<br />
“Early scholars (al-mutaqaddimun) do not mention it, because it was invented/initiated (uhdithat)<br />
after their days. It appeared for the first time after 400, therefore early scholars did not<br />
know of it and did not say anything about it.” (Ibn Rajab, Lata#if, 228). On the place of hadith in<br />
the later middle ages, see J. Fück, “The Role of Traditionalism in Islam,” in H. Motzki (ed.),<br />
Hadith, Ashgate Variorum 2004, 22; S. C. Lucas, Constructive Critics, Hadith Literature, and the<br />
Articulation of Sunni Islam, Leiden 2004, 101; E. Dickinson, “Ibn al-Sala1 al-Shahrazur\ and the<br />
Isnad,” Journal of the Oriental American Society 122 (2002): 481–505.<br />
13 See text # 4, 5.