0021-1818_islam_98-1-2-i-259
0021-1818_islam_98-1-2-i-259
0021-1818_islam_98-1-2-i-259
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Reviews 209<br />
entically ^Urwan traditions from among the “some 10,000 traditions ascribed to<br />
^Urwa” (p. 282).<br />
The ensuing effort to winnow the wheat from the chaff using isnads generally<br />
does not reveal patterns of transmission that are sufficiently dense at the<br />
earliest stages to confidently identify ^Urwa as the author of the traditions in<br />
question. Moreover, in the few instances where the isnads could plausibly indicate<br />
a likelihood of ^Urwan authorship, it is worth noting that these traditions<br />
fail to reveal anything particularly “new” about the historical Mu1ammad that<br />
could not already be determined using much simpler approaches. This is particularly<br />
the case when we pare down each of the traditions in question to those<br />
elements that are actually supported by all of the various transmissions. There<br />
is, for instance, little doubt that the earliest Muslims must have believed that<br />
Mu1ammad claimed to have received prophetic visions and voices, and the<br />
tradition of a “flight” by Mu1ammad seems to be an early tradition. The tradition<br />
that ^A#isha was accused of adultery also is likely to be quite early, inasmuch as<br />
such a tradition is unlikely to have arisen once she came to be revered as the<br />
“mother of the faithful.”<br />
With respect then to the four traditions analyzed in my article (the beginnings<br />
of revelation, the hijra, al-0udaybiya, and the ^A#isha scandal), there is nothing<br />
new in this book that would lead me to change any of my previous conclusions.<br />
As for the remaining four traditions that are ascribed to ^Urwa in this monograph<br />
(the battles of Badr, U1ud, the Trench, and the conquest of Mecca), each of<br />
these traditions is even less persuasively assigned to ^Urwa. Indeed, Görke and<br />
Schoeler both concede this point in the conclusion to their own study, judging<br />
the attribution to ^Urwa more questionable in each case (256–57, 286). Accordingly,<br />
it remains yet to be seen what this arduous method of isnad-cum-matn criticism<br />
has to offer in terms of potentially dating biographical traditions to the first<br />
Islamic century.<br />
My suspicion is that, given the relatively sparse transmissions of these biographical<br />
traditions at the earliest stages, this method will fail to attain much<br />
success in breaking through the barriers that we face at the beginning of the second<br />
Islamic century. And even in the case that we might someday find greater<br />
success in dating a handful of traditions to within seventy or so years after<br />
Mu1ammad’s death, the optimism that Görke and Schoeler frequently express<br />
about the accuracy of traditions compiled at such a distance from the life of<br />
Mu1ammad seems unwarranted. To the contrary, scholars of Islamic origins<br />
would do well, I think, to look to the models afforded by early Christianity and its<br />
study in order to recognize just how quickly an eschatological movement rooted<br />
in the Abrahamic traditions can radically transform its memory of the time of origins<br />
over a relatively short period of time. Simply reducing the elapsed interval