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Between the devil and the deep blue sea - University of Canterbury

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- 297-<br />

siege" was, in fact, an extremely useful way to exact appropriate st<strong>and</strong>ards <strong>of</strong> behaviour<br />

from citizens <strong>and</strong> present an image <strong>of</strong> strict neutrality to <strong>the</strong> outside world. Stijn Streuvels'<br />

description "ash-grey with supposed neutrality,,241 was exactly <strong>the</strong> stereotype that a neutral<br />

hoped to portray. In reality, <strong>the</strong> anned forces were unable to keep residents from<br />

endangering internal neutrality. Smuggling, an obvious concern in 1915, continued<br />

unabated for most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> war; censorship was haphazard <strong>and</strong> inconsistent; <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> country<br />

was used for all manner <strong>of</strong> cl<strong>and</strong>estine infonnation-ga<strong>the</strong>ring activities. Attempts at<br />

tightening controls over internal neutrality through <strong>the</strong> "state <strong>of</strong> siege" was difficult, not<br />

only because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> dubious legality <strong>of</strong> some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> military regulations, but also because<br />

<strong>the</strong> public did not appreciate interference. Because <strong>the</strong> country was <strong>of</strong>ficially "at peace",<br />

reconciling neutrality with extraordinary military jurisdiction did not sit well with civilians,<br />

which <strong>of</strong>fers one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most convincing arguments for why <strong>the</strong> "state <strong>of</strong> war" <strong>and</strong> "siege"<br />

had such varied success. Certain actions <strong>the</strong> Dutch would grudgingly accept from <strong>the</strong><br />

military authorities, while o<strong>the</strong>rs <strong>the</strong>y simply would not.<br />

Yet, given that 75 per cent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country experienced some fonn <strong>of</strong> military<br />

intervention during <strong>the</strong> war, <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> "state <strong>of</strong> war" <strong>and</strong> "siege" was far from<br />

negligible. In fact, through <strong>the</strong> "state <strong>of</strong> siege" especially, civilians were more restricted in<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir activities than at any previous peacetime junctures. To varying degrees, <strong>the</strong> military<br />

authorities limited <strong>the</strong>ir freedom <strong>of</strong> speech, movement <strong>and</strong> assembly. Even when <strong>the</strong> High<br />

Court restricted <strong>the</strong> jurisdiction in <strong>the</strong> "state <strong>of</strong> siege", comm<strong>and</strong>ers exercised extraordinary<br />

control over <strong>the</strong> rmming <strong>of</strong> municipalities <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> day-to-day affairs <strong>of</strong> individuals. In this<br />

respect, <strong>the</strong> Ne<strong>the</strong>rl<strong>and</strong>s as a neutral society in wartime had more in common with its<br />

belligerent equivalents than with its own pre-l914 existence.<br />

241 See: fn 179 above.

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