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Post 2015: Global Action for an Inclusive and Sustainable Future

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CHApTER nInE<br />

The fin<strong>an</strong>cial<br />

crisis has<br />

resulted in<br />

stricter controls<br />

being applied in<br />

most migr<strong>an</strong>treceiving<br />

countries.<br />

182<br />

‘In the absence of <strong>for</strong>mal regulation, receiving states<br />

are the implicit “makers” of migration govern<strong>an</strong>ce,<br />

<strong>an</strong>d sending states are the “takers” of migration<br />

govern<strong>an</strong>ce’. although there are limits to what they<br />

c<strong>an</strong> do, asi<strong>an</strong> countries have been the most active in<br />

using their policy leeway to support <strong>an</strong>d/or protect<br />

their low-skilled migr<strong>an</strong>ts. most governments<br />

in the sending countries still do not view labour<br />

migration as part of a development strategy.<br />

9.3.2 Receiving countries<br />

<strong>an</strong> international study on the political economy of<br />

immigration (Facchini <strong>an</strong>d mayda, 2009) concluded<br />

that restrictive policies are broadly consistent with<br />

voters’ positions on migration, whereas more liberal<br />

policies c<strong>an</strong> be explained by the influence of special<br />

interest groups.<br />

there is limited literature <strong>an</strong>d statistics are<br />

generally poor on migr<strong>an</strong>t-receiving developing<br />

countries. Klugm<strong>an</strong> <strong>an</strong>d pereira (2009) found that,<br />

as in other receiving countries, there is a preference<br />

<strong>for</strong> (temporary) high-skilled rather th<strong>an</strong> lowskilled<br />

workers but overall a greater openness to<br />

the lower skilled th<strong>an</strong> in developed countries. as<br />

in developed countries, more rights are conferred<br />

on higher skilled th<strong>an</strong> on less skilled migr<strong>an</strong>ts, <strong>an</strong>d<br />

compli<strong>an</strong>ce with migr<strong>an</strong>ts’ rights remains a serious<br />

challenge (Klugm<strong>an</strong> <strong>an</strong>d pereira, 2009; ruhs, 2012a;<br />

cIrES, 2012).<br />

In the afric<strong>an</strong> context, labour migr<strong>an</strong>ts are<br />

frequently seen to compete <strong>for</strong> jobs <strong>an</strong>d public<br />

services (schools, clinics) <strong>an</strong>d are blamed <strong>for</strong><br />

crime, <strong>an</strong>d most electorates thus support stronger<br />

immigration control. In 2005, only 11 afric<strong>an</strong><br />

countries had policies to support the integration of<br />

migr<strong>an</strong>t workers, <strong>an</strong>d stricter afric<strong>an</strong> immigration<br />

policies respond as much to public dem<strong>an</strong>ds as<br />

much as to external pressure (bakewell, 2009).<br />

member States of the Eu have taken a ‘carrots <strong>an</strong>d<br />

sticks’ approach to countries in north <strong>an</strong>d West<br />

africa to m<strong>an</strong>age migration more strictly, which<br />

affects both inward <strong>an</strong>d outward migr<strong>an</strong>ts.<br />

EuropE<strong>an</strong> rEport on DEvElopmEnt 2013<br />

recent responses of developed countries to lowskilled<br />

migr<strong>an</strong>t workers fall broadly into two<br />

categories. With some exceptions, the governments<br />

of oEcD countries have sought to restrict lowskilled<br />

migration, whereas the Gulf States <strong>an</strong>d<br />

Singapore have adopted a strict system of low-skilled<br />

migr<strong>an</strong>t rotation rather th<strong>an</strong> outright rejection.<br />

migr<strong>an</strong>ts enjoy very few rights in the latter countries<br />

– they c<strong>an</strong>not obtain perm<strong>an</strong>ent residence <strong>an</strong>d<br />

there are strict conditions <strong>for</strong> family reunion – but<br />

after Europe <strong>an</strong>d the uSa, the Gulf cooperation<br />

council (Gcc) states receive the highest volume<br />

of migr<strong>an</strong>t labour (Iom, 2008). most receiving<br />

countries prefer bilateral agreements because these<br />

allow them to choose which issues are covered <strong>an</strong>d<br />

may, <strong>for</strong> inst<strong>an</strong>ce, include cooperation on migration<br />

prevention <strong>an</strong>d control.<br />

the fin<strong>an</strong>cial crisis has resulted in stricter controls<br />

being applied in most migr<strong>an</strong>t-receiving countries.<br />

Despite the lack of comprehensive evidence on<br />

the impact of the crisis on labour markets, only a<br />

few months after the onset of the crisis new entry<br />

restrictions <strong>for</strong> migr<strong>an</strong>ts or ch<strong>an</strong>ges to their terms of<br />

employment were adopted (Khoser, 2010). In some<br />

cases this was to the detriment of local employers,<br />

such as in thail<strong>an</strong>d where crackdowns have led to<br />

a shortfall in agricultural workers (oEcD, 2011:26).<br />

The Europe<strong>an</strong> Union<br />

the Eu’s regional mobility scheme is part of<br />

the basic principles of its economic integration,<br />

although there are some restrictions in place.<br />

member States may limit access to their labour<br />

market by nationals of new accession countries.<br />

currently 15 member States are applying these<br />

restrictions to rom<strong>an</strong>i<strong>an</strong> <strong>an</strong>d bulgari<strong>an</strong> nationals,<br />

<strong>an</strong>d this period may be extended to 2014 (com,<br />

2011). Such restrictions may also apply to nationals<br />

of croatia once it joins the Eu.<br />

For workers from third countries, Eu member<br />

States use policies such as quotas <strong>an</strong>d labourshortage<br />

lists to regulate labour mobility. temporary

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