Post 2015: Global Action for an Inclusive and Sustainable Future
Post 2015: Global Action for an Inclusive and Sustainable Future
Post 2015: Global Action for an Inclusive and Sustainable Future
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CHApTER nInE<br />
The fin<strong>an</strong>cial<br />
crisis has<br />
resulted in<br />
stricter controls<br />
being applied in<br />
most migr<strong>an</strong>treceiving<br />
countries.<br />
182<br />
‘In the absence of <strong>for</strong>mal regulation, receiving states<br />
are the implicit “makers” of migration govern<strong>an</strong>ce,<br />
<strong>an</strong>d sending states are the “takers” of migration<br />
govern<strong>an</strong>ce’. although there are limits to what they<br />
c<strong>an</strong> do, asi<strong>an</strong> countries have been the most active in<br />
using their policy leeway to support <strong>an</strong>d/or protect<br />
their low-skilled migr<strong>an</strong>ts. most governments<br />
in the sending countries still do not view labour<br />
migration as part of a development strategy.<br />
9.3.2 Receiving countries<br />
<strong>an</strong> international study on the political economy of<br />
immigration (Facchini <strong>an</strong>d mayda, 2009) concluded<br />
that restrictive policies are broadly consistent with<br />
voters’ positions on migration, whereas more liberal<br />
policies c<strong>an</strong> be explained by the influence of special<br />
interest groups.<br />
there is limited literature <strong>an</strong>d statistics are<br />
generally poor on migr<strong>an</strong>t-receiving developing<br />
countries. Klugm<strong>an</strong> <strong>an</strong>d pereira (2009) found that,<br />
as in other receiving countries, there is a preference<br />
<strong>for</strong> (temporary) high-skilled rather th<strong>an</strong> lowskilled<br />
workers but overall a greater openness to<br />
the lower skilled th<strong>an</strong> in developed countries. as<br />
in developed countries, more rights are conferred<br />
on higher skilled th<strong>an</strong> on less skilled migr<strong>an</strong>ts, <strong>an</strong>d<br />
compli<strong>an</strong>ce with migr<strong>an</strong>ts’ rights remains a serious<br />
challenge (Klugm<strong>an</strong> <strong>an</strong>d pereira, 2009; ruhs, 2012a;<br />
cIrES, 2012).<br />
In the afric<strong>an</strong> context, labour migr<strong>an</strong>ts are<br />
frequently seen to compete <strong>for</strong> jobs <strong>an</strong>d public<br />
services (schools, clinics) <strong>an</strong>d are blamed <strong>for</strong><br />
crime, <strong>an</strong>d most electorates thus support stronger<br />
immigration control. In 2005, only 11 afric<strong>an</strong><br />
countries had policies to support the integration of<br />
migr<strong>an</strong>t workers, <strong>an</strong>d stricter afric<strong>an</strong> immigration<br />
policies respond as much to public dem<strong>an</strong>ds as<br />
much as to external pressure (bakewell, 2009).<br />
member States of the Eu have taken a ‘carrots <strong>an</strong>d<br />
sticks’ approach to countries in north <strong>an</strong>d West<br />
africa to m<strong>an</strong>age migration more strictly, which<br />
affects both inward <strong>an</strong>d outward migr<strong>an</strong>ts.<br />
EuropE<strong>an</strong> rEport on DEvElopmEnt 2013<br />
recent responses of developed countries to lowskilled<br />
migr<strong>an</strong>t workers fall broadly into two<br />
categories. With some exceptions, the governments<br />
of oEcD countries have sought to restrict lowskilled<br />
migration, whereas the Gulf States <strong>an</strong>d<br />
Singapore have adopted a strict system of low-skilled<br />
migr<strong>an</strong>t rotation rather th<strong>an</strong> outright rejection.<br />
migr<strong>an</strong>ts enjoy very few rights in the latter countries<br />
– they c<strong>an</strong>not obtain perm<strong>an</strong>ent residence <strong>an</strong>d<br />
there are strict conditions <strong>for</strong> family reunion – but<br />
after Europe <strong>an</strong>d the uSa, the Gulf cooperation<br />
council (Gcc) states receive the highest volume<br />
of migr<strong>an</strong>t labour (Iom, 2008). most receiving<br />
countries prefer bilateral agreements because these<br />
allow them to choose which issues are covered <strong>an</strong>d<br />
may, <strong>for</strong> inst<strong>an</strong>ce, include cooperation on migration<br />
prevention <strong>an</strong>d control.<br />
the fin<strong>an</strong>cial crisis has resulted in stricter controls<br />
being applied in most migr<strong>an</strong>t-receiving countries.<br />
Despite the lack of comprehensive evidence on<br />
the impact of the crisis on labour markets, only a<br />
few months after the onset of the crisis new entry<br />
restrictions <strong>for</strong> migr<strong>an</strong>ts or ch<strong>an</strong>ges to their terms of<br />
employment were adopted (Khoser, 2010). In some<br />
cases this was to the detriment of local employers,<br />
such as in thail<strong>an</strong>d where crackdowns have led to<br />
a shortfall in agricultural workers (oEcD, 2011:26).<br />
The Europe<strong>an</strong> Union<br />
the Eu’s regional mobility scheme is part of<br />
the basic principles of its economic integration,<br />
although there are some restrictions in place.<br />
member States may limit access to their labour<br />
market by nationals of new accession countries.<br />
currently 15 member States are applying these<br />
restrictions to rom<strong>an</strong>i<strong>an</strong> <strong>an</strong>d bulgari<strong>an</strong> nationals,<br />
<strong>an</strong>d this period may be extended to 2014 (com,<br />
2011). Such restrictions may also apply to nationals<br />
of croatia once it joins the Eu.<br />
For workers from third countries, Eu member<br />
States use policies such as quotas <strong>an</strong>d labourshortage<br />
lists to regulate labour mobility. temporary