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Post 2015: Global Action for an Inclusive and Sustainable Future

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partners: their capacities as donors, 19 as trading <strong>an</strong>d<br />

economic partners, the obstacles they face <strong>an</strong>d the<br />

incentives that influence their policy choices <strong>an</strong>d<br />

actions in regional <strong>an</strong>d international settings, <strong>an</strong>d<br />

that shape their preferences in implementing agreed<br />

principles <strong>an</strong>d commitments such as support <strong>for</strong><br />

policy coherence <strong>for</strong> Development. Such <strong>an</strong>alysis<br />

could provide greater insight into the margins of<br />

m<strong>an</strong>oeuvre of international partners to meet their<br />

commitments, which could then further help<br />

in<strong>for</strong>m <strong>an</strong>d prioritise the process of developing<br />

partnerships in <strong>an</strong>y post-<strong>2015</strong> development agenda,<br />

its subst<strong>an</strong>ce <strong>an</strong>d its institutional architecture.<br />

Keeping these challenges in mind, a number of<br />

preliminary pointers <strong>for</strong> the post-<strong>2015</strong> agenda <strong>an</strong>d<br />

process c<strong>an</strong> be drawn from this chapter <strong>an</strong>d from<br />

the country case studies:<br />

• Diversity is the name of the game. Three of<br />

the four case studies confirm that the mDG<br />

instrument has contributed in some way or other<br />

to improving policy design, mobilising external<br />

resources, facilitating policy dialogue <strong>an</strong>d may<br />

have affected policy choices <strong>an</strong>d implementation<br />

in some of the mDG areas. but the country case<br />

studies also confirm the central import<strong>an</strong>ce of<br />

domestic political <strong>an</strong>d economic processes in<br />

determining the course of action or inaction,<br />

as well as the central roles of ruling elites or<br />

coalitions.<br />

• The stated ‘political will’ behind development<br />

goals <strong>an</strong>d ‘state capability’ at the country<br />

level c<strong>an</strong>not be assumed. the ‘best-practice<br />

orthodoxy’ inherent in most oEcD development<br />

models may point to what is desirable, but must<br />

contend with the realities <strong>an</strong>d limits of what is<br />

en<strong>for</strong>ceable.<br />

• The ef<strong>for</strong>ts – among others by some donors – to<br />

diagnose context from a diverse r<strong>an</strong>ge of <strong>an</strong>gles<br />

(including political economy) c<strong>an</strong> be built on.<br />

the new generation of more fine-grained<br />

diagnostics, including conflict <strong>an</strong>alyses <strong>an</strong>d<br />

political economy <strong>an</strong>alytical tools, need to<br />

be systemically used to create development<br />

knowledge about (a) how political <strong>an</strong>d<br />

economic institutions interact <strong>an</strong>d function in<br />

developing countries; (b) how to use external<br />

instruments to create a good fit with re<strong>for</strong>m or<br />

peace-building coalitions; (c) how the effects<br />

of international drivers on the domestic<br />

political economy may help to in<strong>for</strong>m contextspecific<br />

<strong>an</strong>d conflict-sensitive strategies <strong>for</strong><br />

development or other responses; <strong>an</strong>d (d)<br />

incentives <strong>an</strong>d political economy dimensions<br />

at work within international partners, which<br />

may help bring out untapped potential <strong>for</strong> good<br />

fit engagement strategies that combine targeted<br />

entry points with credible <strong>an</strong>d effective multistakeholder<br />

partnerships at global, regional<br />

<strong>an</strong>d national levels.<br />

• A striking feature in the four cases is the role that<br />

violent conflicts have played in recent histories.<br />

In each country, different elite strategies to quell<br />

or use violence have shaped the nature of political<br />

settlements, <strong>an</strong>d have influenced – <strong>an</strong>d continue<br />

to influence in differing degrees – stability or<br />

fragility. It is estimated that half of the world’s<br />

poor do or will live in fragile states (oEcD,<br />

2012). So a deepened underst<strong>an</strong>ding of the<br />

impact <strong>an</strong>d incentives of international drivers<br />

on poor govern<strong>an</strong>ce, rent-seeking of economic<br />

<strong>an</strong>d ruling elites, etc. c<strong>an</strong> help to prioritise those<br />

areas where external development partners,<br />

such as the Eu, have most impact.<br />

19 there has been growing research on the ways in which politics <strong>an</strong>d institutions of donor governments <strong>an</strong>d aid agencies affect aid delivery (e.g.<br />

martens et al., 2002; Gibson et al., 2005; Knack <strong>an</strong>d rahm<strong>an</strong>, 2007; Faust, 2011). Such research on <strong>for</strong>mal <strong>an</strong>d in<strong>for</strong>mal rules of the game of<br />

donors, the incentives their interactions generate <strong>an</strong>d their influence on political behaviour <strong>an</strong>d the preferences of key actors provide insights<br />

into policy incoherencies <strong>an</strong>d implementation challenges at the national, regional <strong>an</strong>d global level. the insights into the logics of decision-making<br />

<strong>an</strong>d implementation challenges could contribute to more effective engagement strategies in the future.<br />

poSt-<strong>2015</strong>: <strong>Global</strong> actIon For <strong>an</strong> IncluSIvE <strong>an</strong>D SuStaInablE FuturE<br />

The country case<br />

studies confirm<br />

the central<br />

import<strong>an</strong>ce of<br />

domestic political<br />

<strong>an</strong>d economic<br />

processes in<br />

determining the<br />

course of action<br />

or inaction.<br />

43

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