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Post 2015: Global Action for an Inclusive and Sustainable Future

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CHApTER TWO<br />

All four case<br />

studies voiced<br />

a concern about<br />

the MDGs’ lack<br />

of attention to<br />

the productive<br />

sectors, to<br />

infrastructural<br />

investment <strong>an</strong>d<br />

to economic<br />

growth.<br />

34<br />

remain d<strong>an</strong>gerously vulnerable to shocks that c<strong>an</strong><br />

set things back by decades.<br />

In rw<strong>an</strong>da <strong>an</strong>d nepal, the mDGs have been<br />

integrated into development pl<strong>an</strong>ning <strong>an</strong>d provided<br />

benchmarks against which to measure progress<br />

in particular policy areas. In rw<strong>an</strong>da, the mDGs<br />

align well with the government’s own strong<br />

developmental discourse <strong>an</strong>d policies. For two<br />

decades, nepal experienced political instability <strong>an</strong>d<br />

conflict. the mDGs have contributed to in<strong>for</strong>ming<br />

policies during a tr<strong>an</strong>sition period <strong>an</strong>d feature in<br />

the government’s mid-to long-term development<br />

pl<strong>an</strong>s. peru, on the other h<strong>an</strong>d, has hardly referred<br />

to or used the mDG framework in designing its<br />

poverty-reduction or development policies. côte<br />

d’Ivoire has witnessed various bouts of instability<br />

<strong>an</strong>d violent conflict since 1999. throughout this<br />

period the public authorities continued to refer to<br />

the mDG framework, which has helped the country<br />

to restore relations with the donor community on<br />

poverty-oriented cooperation <strong>an</strong>d to mobilise aid.<br />

considerable obstacles to implementation remain,<br />

<strong>an</strong>d after a decade the country is likely to reach only<br />

a few mDG targets.<br />

there was some criticism of the mDGs, which<br />

were seen as biasing donor support towards the<br />

social sectors, while national governments may have<br />

different preferences <strong>an</strong>d priorities. the relev<strong>an</strong>ce<br />

of public expenditure on social service provision<br />

is certainly recognised in the studies. Yet, at the<br />

same time, all four case studies voiced a concern<br />

about the mDGs’ lack of attention to the productive<br />

sectors, to the need <strong>for</strong> infrastructural investment<br />

<strong>an</strong>d more generally to the dimension of economic<br />

growth. In three of the four there was also concern<br />

about donors’ failure to honour their commitments<br />

on the volume <strong>an</strong>d effectiveness of aid.<br />

EuropE<strong>an</strong> rEport on DEvElopmEnt 2013<br />

2.2 Explaining policy choices:<br />

a political economy perspective<br />

Since the 1990s there has been a considerable ef<strong>for</strong>t<br />

to better underst<strong>an</strong>d what drives the differences<br />

in development policy choices <strong>an</strong>d trajectories in<br />

developing countries. this was partly triggered<br />

by donor dissatisfaction with ‘best-practice<br />

development models’ <strong>an</strong>d the idea that <strong>for</strong>mal<br />

institutions could be successfully ‘tr<strong>an</strong>sferred’ from<br />

rich to poor countries (centre <strong>for</strong> the <strong>Future</strong> of the<br />

State, 2010). Evaluations <strong>an</strong>d studies pointed to<br />

the limited success of donor support <strong>for</strong> wholesale<br />

institutional <strong>an</strong>d govern<strong>an</strong>ce re<strong>for</strong>ms. often these<br />

well-intentioned ef<strong>for</strong>ts were inappropriate in the<br />

country context because they were largely based<br />

on idealised templates based on institutions <strong>an</strong>d<br />

govern<strong>an</strong>ce systems in oEcD countries. In the<br />

words of D<strong>an</strong>i rodrik, ‘institutional innovations<br />

do not travel well’ (rodrik, 2003: 17).<br />

this section draws on a new generation of largely<br />

donor-sponsored diagnostic tools 14 <strong>an</strong>d political<br />

economy <strong>an</strong>alytical research. these seek to examine<br />

the social <strong>an</strong>d political environments in which<br />

development processes take place, <strong>an</strong>d look ‘behind<br />

the façade’ of <strong>for</strong>mal institutions <strong>an</strong>d policies.<br />

the section also refers to findings <strong>an</strong>d evidence<br />

from research 15 on power <strong>an</strong>d politics in africa,<br />

on leadership/agency <strong>an</strong>d development, relations<br />

between elites <strong>an</strong>d productive sectors, politics <strong>an</strong>d<br />

agricultural development, the investment climate<br />

<strong>an</strong>d fragile states.<br />

Structures, institutions <strong>an</strong>d political<br />

processes<br />

Some donors have begun to make more use of<br />

political economy frameworks <strong>an</strong>d <strong>an</strong>alyses to<br />

underst<strong>an</strong>d the country-level actors <strong>an</strong>d factors that<br />

14 Such political economy tools include: DFID, 2008; World b<strong>an</strong>k, 2010; netherl<strong>an</strong>ds mFa, 2009; DEvco concept note, 2011 (unsworth <strong>an</strong>d<br />

Williams, 2011).<br />

15 research programmes include: the africa power <strong>an</strong>d politics programme (www.institutions-africa.org); the Development leadership programme<br />

(www.dlprog.org); the Improving Institutions pro-poor Growth programme (www.ippg.org.uk); <strong>Future</strong> agricultures (www.futureagricultures.org);<br />

Elites, production <strong>an</strong>d poverty programme (www.diis.dk/epp); <strong>an</strong>d the tracking Development programme (http://www.<br />

institutions-africa.org/trackingdevelopment_archived/home.html).

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