Post 2015: Global Action for an Inclusive and Sustainable Future
Post 2015: Global Action for an Inclusive and Sustainable Future
Post 2015: Global Action for an Inclusive and Sustainable Future
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CHApTER TWO<br />
All four case<br />
studies voiced<br />
a concern about<br />
the MDGs’ lack<br />
of attention to<br />
the productive<br />
sectors, to<br />
infrastructural<br />
investment <strong>an</strong>d<br />
to economic<br />
growth.<br />
34<br />
remain d<strong>an</strong>gerously vulnerable to shocks that c<strong>an</strong><br />
set things back by decades.<br />
In rw<strong>an</strong>da <strong>an</strong>d nepal, the mDGs have been<br />
integrated into development pl<strong>an</strong>ning <strong>an</strong>d provided<br />
benchmarks against which to measure progress<br />
in particular policy areas. In rw<strong>an</strong>da, the mDGs<br />
align well with the government’s own strong<br />
developmental discourse <strong>an</strong>d policies. For two<br />
decades, nepal experienced political instability <strong>an</strong>d<br />
conflict. the mDGs have contributed to in<strong>for</strong>ming<br />
policies during a tr<strong>an</strong>sition period <strong>an</strong>d feature in<br />
the government’s mid-to long-term development<br />
pl<strong>an</strong>s. peru, on the other h<strong>an</strong>d, has hardly referred<br />
to or used the mDG framework in designing its<br />
poverty-reduction or development policies. côte<br />
d’Ivoire has witnessed various bouts of instability<br />
<strong>an</strong>d violent conflict since 1999. throughout this<br />
period the public authorities continued to refer to<br />
the mDG framework, which has helped the country<br />
to restore relations with the donor community on<br />
poverty-oriented cooperation <strong>an</strong>d to mobilise aid.<br />
considerable obstacles to implementation remain,<br />
<strong>an</strong>d after a decade the country is likely to reach only<br />
a few mDG targets.<br />
there was some criticism of the mDGs, which<br />
were seen as biasing donor support towards the<br />
social sectors, while national governments may have<br />
different preferences <strong>an</strong>d priorities. the relev<strong>an</strong>ce<br />
of public expenditure on social service provision<br />
is certainly recognised in the studies. Yet, at the<br />
same time, all four case studies voiced a concern<br />
about the mDGs’ lack of attention to the productive<br />
sectors, to the need <strong>for</strong> infrastructural investment<br />
<strong>an</strong>d more generally to the dimension of economic<br />
growth. In three of the four there was also concern<br />
about donors’ failure to honour their commitments<br />
on the volume <strong>an</strong>d effectiveness of aid.<br />
EuropE<strong>an</strong> rEport on DEvElopmEnt 2013<br />
2.2 Explaining policy choices:<br />
a political economy perspective<br />
Since the 1990s there has been a considerable ef<strong>for</strong>t<br />
to better underst<strong>an</strong>d what drives the differences<br />
in development policy choices <strong>an</strong>d trajectories in<br />
developing countries. this was partly triggered<br />
by donor dissatisfaction with ‘best-practice<br />
development models’ <strong>an</strong>d the idea that <strong>for</strong>mal<br />
institutions could be successfully ‘tr<strong>an</strong>sferred’ from<br />
rich to poor countries (centre <strong>for</strong> the <strong>Future</strong> of the<br />
State, 2010). Evaluations <strong>an</strong>d studies pointed to<br />
the limited success of donor support <strong>for</strong> wholesale<br />
institutional <strong>an</strong>d govern<strong>an</strong>ce re<strong>for</strong>ms. often these<br />
well-intentioned ef<strong>for</strong>ts were inappropriate in the<br />
country context because they were largely based<br />
on idealised templates based on institutions <strong>an</strong>d<br />
govern<strong>an</strong>ce systems in oEcD countries. In the<br />
words of D<strong>an</strong>i rodrik, ‘institutional innovations<br />
do not travel well’ (rodrik, 2003: 17).<br />
this section draws on a new generation of largely<br />
donor-sponsored diagnostic tools 14 <strong>an</strong>d political<br />
economy <strong>an</strong>alytical research. these seek to examine<br />
the social <strong>an</strong>d political environments in which<br />
development processes take place, <strong>an</strong>d look ‘behind<br />
the façade’ of <strong>for</strong>mal institutions <strong>an</strong>d policies.<br />
the section also refers to findings <strong>an</strong>d evidence<br />
from research 15 on power <strong>an</strong>d politics in africa,<br />
on leadership/agency <strong>an</strong>d development, relations<br />
between elites <strong>an</strong>d productive sectors, politics <strong>an</strong>d<br />
agricultural development, the investment climate<br />
<strong>an</strong>d fragile states.<br />
Structures, institutions <strong>an</strong>d political<br />
processes<br />
Some donors have begun to make more use of<br />
political economy frameworks <strong>an</strong>d <strong>an</strong>alyses to<br />
underst<strong>an</strong>d the country-level actors <strong>an</strong>d factors that<br />
14 Such political economy tools include: DFID, 2008; World b<strong>an</strong>k, 2010; netherl<strong>an</strong>ds mFa, 2009; DEvco concept note, 2011 (unsworth <strong>an</strong>d<br />
Williams, 2011).<br />
15 research programmes include: the africa power <strong>an</strong>d politics programme (www.institutions-africa.org); the Development leadership programme<br />
(www.dlprog.org); the Improving Institutions pro-poor Growth programme (www.ippg.org.uk); <strong>Future</strong> agricultures (www.futureagricultures.org);<br />
Elites, production <strong>an</strong>d poverty programme (www.diis.dk/epp); <strong>an</strong>d the tracking Development programme (http://www.<br />
institutions-africa.org/trackingdevelopment_archived/home.html).