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Post 2015: Global Action for an Inclusive and Sustainable Future

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drive or obstruct poverty-reduction or development<br />

policy choices <strong>an</strong>d implementation measures.<br />

political economy refers to a broad set of intellectual<br />

traditions. typically, there are three tiers of <strong>an</strong>alytical<br />

tools developed <strong>for</strong> country <strong>an</strong>d sector levels:<br />

• Structures: the first level deals with structural,<br />

‘hard to ch<strong>an</strong>ge’ or intr<strong>an</strong>sigent features such<br />

as natural resource endowments, the broad<br />

structure of the economy, regional relations,<br />

the main sources of (potential) government<br />

revenues, etc. the structure of the economy<br />

<strong>an</strong>d the resource endowment, <strong>for</strong> example, may<br />

influence the nature of government revenues.<br />

Such revenues may be earned (through taxation)<br />

or unearned (such as derived from mineral rents,<br />

oDa, etc.). the nature of these revenues often<br />

shapes the political incentives facing particular<br />

groups – most often ruling elites 16 (see also box<br />

2.6). other import<strong>an</strong>t features may include<br />

the history of state <strong>for</strong>mation, the exclusion<br />

of regions <strong>an</strong>d population groups, which may<br />

cause social, ethnic <strong>an</strong>d economic cleavages,<br />

threats to state legitimacy, internal conflict <strong>an</strong>d<br />

fragility. Such features were clearly at the heart<br />

of the deep-rooted conflicts in all four casestudy<br />

countries.<br />

• Institutions: at a second level, political economy<br />

<strong>an</strong>alysis is interested in how institutions function<br />

<strong>an</strong>d shape the behaviour of political <strong>an</strong>d economic<br />

actors. In all countries, <strong>for</strong>mal institutions<br />

(<strong>an</strong>chored in the constitution, codified in laws,<br />

etc.) interact with in<strong>for</strong>mal rules of the game<br />

(based on social, cultural, ethnic, religious<br />

norms <strong>an</strong>d beliefs) <strong>an</strong>d these interactions shape<br />

the distribution of power, the nature of political<br />

competition, the functioning of markets, etc. It<br />

is often difficult <strong>for</strong> outsiders, such as donors, to<br />

underst<strong>an</strong>d or even ‘see’ in<strong>for</strong>mal institutions,<br />

because the conceptual toolkit has been largely<br />

designed to focus on the tip of the iceberg, i.e.<br />

<strong>for</strong>mal institutions. the consequence is that<br />

external development agents undermine ‘their<br />

ability to identify ch<strong>an</strong>ge opportunities <strong>an</strong>d<br />

constraints <strong>an</strong>d explains why re<strong>for</strong>ms face<br />

recurring limits’ (<strong>an</strong>drews, 2013: 42).<br />

• Actors: the structural <strong>an</strong>d institutional levels<br />

shape political processes <strong>an</strong>d influence the<br />

behaviour <strong>an</strong>d choices of key actors. In a stylised<br />

way, one c<strong>an</strong> distinguish three groups of actors<br />

(see Figure 2.1): the ruling political elite, state<br />

bureaucrats <strong>an</strong>d sector actors (civil society, <strong>an</strong>d<br />

firms, farms <strong>an</strong>d households). In <strong>an</strong> ideal state<br />

of affairs, these groups would effectively work<br />

together in mutual, cooperative <strong>an</strong>d synergistic<br />

ways <strong>an</strong>d generate positive development<br />

outcomes (a Joint Statement, 2012). this is not<br />

what tends to happen in developing countries.<br />

the pattern of relations is often one in which<br />

ruling elites or governments do not make credible<br />

commitments to sector actors relating to the<br />

safety of <strong>an</strong>d the gains from their investments.<br />

usually, such ruling elites do not prioritise the<br />

provision of public or collective goods that may<br />

stimulate private investment, or they do not give<br />

priority to constructive engagement between the<br />

state bureaucracy <strong>an</strong>d sector actors.<br />

one might ask why donors <strong>an</strong>d recipient countries<br />

have m<strong>an</strong>aged to engage in the logic of development<br />

narratives <strong>for</strong> so long, with so little evidence that aid<br />

does much to contribute to the latters’ administrative<br />

capability. one <strong>an</strong>swer is the so-called ‘isomorphic<br />

mimicry’, whereby bureaucrats <strong>an</strong>d elites in aidrecipient<br />

countries adopt the appropriate institutional<br />

appear<strong>an</strong>ces <strong>an</strong>d structures (or <strong>for</strong>ms) in order to hide<br />

or camouflage the fact that they have not adopted the<br />

institutional functions. this results in empty policy<br />

gestures <strong>an</strong>d (often costly <strong>an</strong>d time-consuming)<br />

re<strong>for</strong>ms that are never implemented. re<strong>for</strong>ms are<br />

adopted as mere ‘signals’. by overlooking import<strong>an</strong>t<br />

features of the context, external backers risk betting<br />

16 the term ‘elite’ in this report refers to individuals who comm<strong>an</strong>d high levels of political, military, fin<strong>an</strong>cial <strong>an</strong>d/or economic power.<br />

poSt-<strong>2015</strong>: <strong>Global</strong> actIon For <strong>an</strong> IncluSIvE <strong>an</strong>D SuStaInablE FuturE<br />

There has been<br />

a considerable<br />

ef<strong>for</strong>t to better<br />

underst<strong>an</strong>d<br />

what drives<br />

the differences<br />

in development<br />

policy choices<br />

<strong>an</strong>d trajectories<br />

in developing<br />

countries.<br />

35

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