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OECD Culture and Local Development.pdf - PACA

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3. PROMOTING LOCAL DEVELOPMENT BY CREATING CULTURAL PRODUCTS<br />

More recently, Florida has broadened his analysis somewhat by putting forward<br />

the idea of the “creative class” (Florida, 2004). Finding that people with high human<br />

capital are quite ready to leave the big industrial centres for more dynamic cities,<br />

he deduces a link between the creative population <strong>and</strong> the creative district.<br />

Creative people will seek out a district that offers cultural amenities, high-tech<br />

services, good living <strong>and</strong> recreational conditions, <strong>and</strong> an atmosphere of freedom<br />

<strong>and</strong> respect for identities. The district, in turn, will benefit from this population<br />

“whose function is to create meaningful new forms … scientists <strong>and</strong> engineers,<br />

university teachers, poets <strong>and</strong> writers, artists, entertainers, actors, designers, <strong>and</strong><br />

architects” [quote confirmed]. This super-creative core can be exp<strong>and</strong>ed to include<br />

the class of clerical staff <strong>and</strong> other applied-intelligence workers: while they may<br />

create less than the others, they must also use their more generic knowledge to<br />

solve specific problems.<br />

Is it possible to come up with an indicator identifying the threshold where this<br />

osmosis between the creative city <strong>and</strong> the creative class kicks in? Once the creative<br />

class represents at least 35% of the workforce, the city will be truly creative <strong>and</strong> will<br />

remain so. Florida notes, incidentally, that the ambitions of some big industrial cities<br />

to remake themselves have stumbled not for lack of investment but for their inability<br />

to attract this type of population. He concludes, then, that there is a second type of<br />

indicator: a city’s ability to recognise the specific needs of this class 96 .<br />

The l<strong>and</strong>-use dimension<br />

Cultural districts often originate in urban neighbourhoods where artisans once<br />

gathered, especially under the guild system. Located in the heart of the city, <strong>and</strong> thus<br />

immersed in its markets, their existence was closely linked to the availability of<br />

working <strong>and</strong> living space. In the meantime, urban development patterns have worked<br />

against them. The processes of speculation <strong>and</strong> gentrification have reduced available<br />

space <strong>and</strong> shunted their workshops beyond the cities, or to their peripheries. These<br />

changes interrupted their traditional trading networks, in which they frequently dealt<br />

face-to-face with their clients. Artisans were obliged to work through intermediaries,<br />

<strong>and</strong> this gradually led some of them to become dependent on merchants who<br />

preferred to deal in st<strong>and</strong>ardised products that bore less <strong>and</strong> less of the artisan’s personal<br />

stamp 97 .<br />

Today, cities are trying to reverse this movement <strong>and</strong> to revive or refurbish their<br />

urban cores or their rundown neighbourhoods, or more generally to improve their urban<br />

image as a whole. The establishment of cultural districts featuring heritage <strong>and</strong><br />

creative activities is one approach, as we shall see below (see Chapter 4). The main<br />

obstacle to these efforts is not financial, since there are many willing partners. Instead,<br />

it lies in the fact that these policies for reconciling local <strong>and</strong> global cultures can lead<br />

to gentrification <strong>and</strong> to the disappearance of the last traditional cultures.<br />

114 CULTURE AND LOCAL DEVELOPMENT - ISBN 92-64-00990-6 - © <strong>OECD</strong> 2005

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