OECD Culture and Local Development.pdf - PACA
OECD Culture and Local Development.pdf - PACA
OECD Culture and Local Development.pdf - PACA
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4. THE CULTURAL FABRIC OF CITIES<br />
• In the first case, with high integration <strong>and</strong> limited heritage weight (zone 2), the<br />
shifts are both positive, <strong>and</strong> employment rises faster in the non-artistic than<br />
in the artistic sector. This is likely to be the case with heritage investments in<br />
large cities, such as the establishment of heritage or museum districts. Use of<br />
the heritage causes employment to rise despite higher real wages: the economic<br />
fabric is sufficiently dense for creating non-artistic jobs in response to the<br />
higher purchasing power induced by tourist spending (which raises the incomes<br />
of local service providers). At the same time, the relative weight of the artistic<br />
sector is sufficiently low that the negative impact of higher prices <strong>and</strong> wages<br />
in artistic-related services will not spill over into other sectors. In short, the positive<br />
effects of integration are not altered: the artistic factor’s weight is sufficiently<br />
limited <strong>and</strong> the destabilising effect from artistic investment will not be felt. This<br />
is what justifies heritage investments in important cities, both in major<br />
metropolitan areas like New York or Paris, or smaller ones like Bilbao.<br />
• In the second case, where integration is weak <strong>and</strong> the artistic weight is limited<br />
(zone 3), employment changes are still positive, but this time employment rises<br />
less quickly in the non-artistic than in the artistic sector. This is the case with<br />
cities where tourism sparks artistic job creation, but where the economic fabric<br />
cannot meet the needs of artistic workers or the non-cultural needs of visitors<br />
<strong>and</strong> tourists, meaning that goods must be imported rather than produced<br />
locally. The positive effects of integration are no longer there, but the weight<br />
of the artistic factor is sufficiently low to prevent excessive destabilising effect<br />
artistic investment. This is exactly the situation in art cities like Krakow, Bruges<br />
or Toledo, where the lack of structural diversification makes it impossible to<br />
take full advantage of tourism activities, which can even induce inflation <strong>and</strong><br />
speculation damaging to other activities (heritage cities).<br />
• In the third case, with weak integration <strong>and</strong> a major artistic element (zone 4),<br />
the employment change is positive in the artistic sector but negative for all other<br />
activities. This situation is likely to result from highly speculative development<br />
of the artistic sector. The price effects will ultimately make other services<br />
completely uncompetitive, <strong>and</strong> may induce tourists to satisfy their housing <strong>and</strong><br />
restaurant needs elsewhere. In short, we may say that the destabilising impact<br />
of the artistic factor’s weight is catalysed by the weakness of integration. This<br />
is the case with st<strong>and</strong>-alone artistic sites like Mont Saint Michel. It is also the<br />
case in territories were non-artistic economic agents adopt speculative behaviour<br />
<strong>and</strong> seek to exploit location advantage (Venice).<br />
• The final case — zone 1, with high integration <strong>and</strong> a heavy artistic factor — is<br />
more ambiguous, <strong>and</strong> perhaps surprising. We may interpret it as follows: a<br />
major investment in a highly integrated zone can push incomes <strong>and</strong> prices up<br />
to the point where the artistic sector is no longer competitive with other sites,<br />
146 CULTURE AND LOCAL DEVELOPMENT - ISBN 92-64-00990-6 - © <strong>OECD</strong> 2005