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Islamic Political Identity in Turkey

Islamic Political Identity in Turkey

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86 islamic political identity <strong>in</strong> turkeywas an act of conscious resistance and rebellion aga<strong>in</strong>st the attempts by the stateto <strong>in</strong>scribe an oYcial and radically diVerent high culture. Arabesk songs genu<strong>in</strong>elyattempted to reXect the pa<strong>in</strong> and hardship of modernization, as experiencedby vast yet marg<strong>in</strong>alized sectors of <strong>Turkey</strong>’s nascent capitalist economy. Thesesongs articulated the feel<strong>in</strong>g newcomers had that they were “strangers” with<strong>in</strong>their own country; their lyrics emphasize themes of poverty, social mobility, andalienation. Another common theme <strong>in</strong> this music is the presentation of the cityas both a locus of opportunity and a place of corruption and dissolution.Arabesk music was oYcially banned on public broadcast<strong>in</strong>g stations untilthe early 1990s because it evoked a diVerent set of cultural norms than whatthe Kemalist state sought to promote. 16 The Republican regime attempted touse music via the radio as a tool for creat<strong>in</strong>g uniform sensibilities and tastes.The state-owned radio regularly broadcast European classical music <strong>in</strong> order toencourage Turks to accept the Kemalist agenda of realiz<strong>in</strong>g a European identity.17 However, the Turkish urban poor either turned their radios oV or turnedtheir dials to Egyptian popular music broadcasts, which were a closer reXectionof their authentic tastes. With the Islamization of urban life, a new form ofpopular music evolved, stress<strong>in</strong>g the heritage of Ottoman classical music. Althoughthe second generation of Arabesk s<strong>in</strong>gers has its orig<strong>in</strong>s <strong>in</strong> village culture,they constructed a hybrid music that bridges rural and urban culture <strong>in</strong><strong>Turkey</strong>. 18 They conceive of the city no longer as a source of fear and isolationbut rather as a space that can be shaped and improved. This generation, unlikethe previous one, demonstrates a conWdence that results from grow<strong>in</strong>g up <strong>in</strong>the squatter towns. They have had greater opportunity to be tra<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> Ottomanclassical music, and their close ties with the Turkish diaspora <strong>in</strong> Europe allowthem to keep up with chang<strong>in</strong>g fashions.As a result of the expansion of urbanization and education and the developmentof pr<strong>in</strong>t and video media, Wrst- and second-generation urban <strong>in</strong>tellectualsadapted local and oral <strong>Islamic</strong> traditions and idioms <strong>in</strong>to new discourses on urbanlife. 19 Islam constituted a language for new urban dwellers, a cement for br<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>gdiverse groups together, and a social security network that the governmentwas unable to rival. The children of the Wrst wave of migrants seized the educationalopportunities of the 1970s and began to hold public oYces <strong>in</strong> the early1980s. Some of them have come to form a new and important group of vernacular<strong>Islamic</strong> <strong>in</strong>tellectuals and musicians. Their image of Islam is diVerent fromthat of their fathers; it is rearticulated to meet the challenges of modern urbanlife and the overtly Europeaniz<strong>in</strong>g program of the Republican old guard.The Treacherous Path to a Market Economy:Economic Development <strong>in</strong> the 1980sThe young Turkish Republic <strong>in</strong>tended to pursue a liberal economic policy; however,the depression <strong>in</strong> the global market prevented this from happen<strong>in</strong>g, and<strong>Turkey</strong> <strong>in</strong>stead pursued a statist policy designed to protect its own economy. 20However, economic étatism soon became enshr<strong>in</strong>ed because it overlapped with

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