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Islamic Political Identity in Turkey

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the temper<strong>in</strong>g of the kemalist revolution 69The State as a Cultural EcumeneThe 1980 coup was carried out by a group of military oYcers who sought toovercome the country’s political and social divisions and to implement an IMFledstructural adjustment program to curb the hyper<strong>in</strong>Xation that was contribut<strong>in</strong>gsigniWcantly to the political turmoil. The military adm<strong>in</strong>istration led byGeneral Kenan Evren viewed leftist groups as the greatest threat to its authority<strong>in</strong> this period and sought to dim<strong>in</strong>ish their <strong>in</strong>Xuence by promot<strong>in</strong>g a “Turkish-<strong>Islamic</strong> synthesis.” This policy garnered considerable support and, more important,paved the way for the near-revolutionary liberaliz<strong>in</strong>g reforms of TurgutÖzal. A close exam<strong>in</strong>ation of the magaz<strong>in</strong>e Diyanet Dergisi, a monthly periodicalpublished by the Directorate of Religious AVairs, and the new 8slamAnsiklopedisi (Encyclopedia of Islam) of the Religious AVairs Foundation <strong>in</strong>dicatesthe degree to which this oYcial state ideology had taken root.Instead of show<strong>in</strong>g the traditional military hostility toward Islam, the coupleaders took several steps to utilize religion. They opened new Qur’anic courses;made religious <strong>in</strong>struction compulsory <strong>in</strong> public schools; and employed newpreachers. Moreover, <strong>in</strong> the 1982 constitution, the military restricted the activitiesof labor unions and voluntary associations, abolished the autonomous statusof the universities and state-run television and radio, and banned all politicalparties. The NSC took over the legislative functions of Parliament and appo<strong>in</strong>teda mixed civilian-military cab<strong>in</strong>et lead by the retired admiral Bülent Ulusu. Hav<strong>in</strong>gpurged those oYcers who were reluctant to <strong>in</strong>tervene directly <strong>in</strong> civilianaVairs, the military was united with<strong>in</strong> its own ranks on the need for drastic <strong>in</strong>tervention<strong>in</strong> politics. 33 The NSC sought to restructure the country through itsedicts and the 1982 constitution, which created a strong presidential role. As aresult of the September 12 military coup, 650,000 people were arrested;1,683,000 cases were prepared; and 517 people were sentenced to death, althoughonly 49 of the sentences were carried out. In addition, 30,000 people were Wredfrom their jobs for hold<strong>in</strong>g objectionable political views, 14,000 had their Turkishcitizenship revoked, and 667 associations and foundations were banned. 34The 1980 Military Coup and the Turkish-<strong>Islamic</strong> SynthesisThree factors shaped the military’s policies of culture and identity. These factors,<strong>in</strong> order of importance, were the perception of threat (leftist movement),the personal Islam of Evren, and the availability of resources. Because manyKurdish and Alevi activist groups were allied closely with Marxist organizationsand movements, the military coup leaders felt compelled to use <strong>Islamic</strong> <strong>in</strong>stitutionsand symbols as a legitimiz<strong>in</strong>g counterweight. By encourag<strong>in</strong>g the fus<strong>in</strong>gof Sunni <strong>Islamic</strong> ideas with national goals, the military government planned tofoster a co-opted and less political Islam to confront a much-exaggerated “leftistthreat.” Military leaders believed that this oYcially determ<strong>in</strong>ed “Turkish-<strong>Islamic</strong> Synthesis” potentially could diVuse the grow<strong>in</strong>g conXict between Sunnis

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