Islamic Political Identity in Turkey

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prefaceixin the reconWguration of the political and intellectual landscape inTurkey. I argue that reinvigorated Turkish Islam(s) in the political and socialspheres cannot be explained by the failure of Kemalism but rather is an outcomeof new opportunity spaces—social and economic networks and vehiclesfor activism and the dissemination of meaning, identity, and cultural codes—in which the Kemalist project played an important albeit inadvertent role. Thisrelationship has not been purely antagonistic but rather also contingent andtransformative. The history of the last 80 years of the Republic shows that theTurkish authorities seldom have been consistent in counterpoising nationalismand Islam, secularism and religion. If any concept could capture this tendentiousrelationship it is that of contradiction.While focusing on contemporary Turkish Islamic social and political movements,this study will also be useful in shedding light on the vexed issue of Islam,democratization, and politics in the broader Muslim world. Turkish Islamicsocial and political movements have sought to consolidate civil society by redrawingthe boundaries between the state and society and attempting to formtheir own intellectual and moral charter, seeking not necessarily to replace theexisting secularist state but rather to reconstitute everyday life. The Islamicmovements of Turkey have created their own middle-class ethos and accommodationswith modernity. Thus the contemporary debate in Turkey is not aboutrestoring Islamic government or imposing Islamic law but about carving newspaces, constituting new identities, and diversifying voices in the public spherewith an idiom that would not be alien to most Western societies.By utilizing new opportunity spaces, these Turkish Islamic movements aremaking new actors of intellectuals, businessmen, scholars, and artists and creatingnew sites of sociability. One of the major impacts of these opportunityspaces has been facilitating the emergence of private identities, commitments,and lifestyles in the public sphere. These new public spaces, along with newactors, have brought Islam to the forefront of public discussion. The secondimpact of these opportunity spaces is on the ultimately centrifugal trajectory ofIslamic sociopolitical movements in democratic and pluralistic settings. As aresult of new opportunity spaces, diVerentiation in terms of political practices,areas of specialization, and class dynamics has become quite apparent. ThusMuslim societies in general, and Turkish society in particular, and their varioussociopolitical movements have allowed a “democratic space” to evince thesame vital diversity and pluralism found in Western liberal democracies. Newopportunity spaces have helped Turkish Muslims to acquire new skills to functionin and shape modern practices and articulate their visions of the good life.For instance, new communication networks helped to create a new class ofMuslim intellectuals, columnists, and news anchorpersons, quite distinct fromthe traditional ulema. Thus competing Islamic movements have less in commonwith each other than with various secular counterparts in Turkish society.This book further examines the state policy of using Islam to overcome the disintegrationand tension created by neoliberal economic policies—and the wayvarious social groups have utilized Islam to make identity claims and justify theirentry into the political and economic spheres.
xprefaceThis book is the product of intellectual engagement over many years. Inthis long period I have incurred many debts. First I thank my friend and colleagueMujeeb R. Khan, whose amazing grasp of both Western and Islamicpolitical thought and history has been deeply inspiring. I am also indebted forthe input of friends, colleagues, and teachers, including Eric Hooglund, JohnL. Esposito, Saleha Abedin, 8smail Kara, Nilüfer Göle, Ümit Cizre, Becir Tanovic,Yasin Aktay, Paul Lubeck, Dale Eickelman, Alpaslan Aç1kgenç, Charles Kuzman,8brahim Kalìn, Saleha Mahmood, Sükran Vahide, Mustafa Erdo;an, Ali Aslan,Faris Kaya, 8smail Engin, Edibe Sözen, Linda Butler, Etga U;ur, and, last butnot least, my doctoral advisor, Crawford Young.
Page 1 and 2: Islamic Political Identityin Turkey
Page 3 and 4: RELIGION AND GLOBAL POLITICSSeries
Page 5 and 6: 3Oxford New YorkAuckland Bangkok Bu
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Page 9: viiiprefaceWith these questions in
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Page 15 and 16: xivabbreviationsPKKRGRNKRPSPSODEPSH
Page 17 and 18: BULGARIABosporusBLACK SEA0 75 150 k
Page 19 and 20: 4 islamic political identity in tur
Page 21 and 22: 6 islamic political identity in tur
Page 24 and 25: introduction 9dition and policies i
Page 26 and 27: introduction 11Hareketi) of Erbakan
Page 28 and 29: introduction 13national integration
Page 30 and 31: 1Islamic Social MovementsA comparis
Page 32 and 33: islamic social movements 17Lewis, T
Page 34 and 35: islamic social movements 19ideas an
Page 36 and 37: islamic social movements 21two diam
Page 38 and 39: islamic social movements 23to undem
Page 40 and 41: islamic social movements 25tute but
Page 42 and 43: islamic social movements 27man righ
Page 44 and 45: islamic social movements 29great
Page 46 and 47: islamic social movements 31developm
Page 48 and 49: islamic social movements 33nant in
Page 50 and 51: islamic social movements 35life. In
Page 52 and 53: 2The EnduringOttoman LegacyIn order
Page 54 and 55: the enduring ottoman legacy 39(1839
Page 56 and 57: the enduring ottoman legacy 41for c
Page 58 and 59: the enduring ottoman legacy 43was c
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the enduring ottoman legacy 45colle
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the enduring ottoman legacy 47The l
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the enduring ottoman legacy 49ing E
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the enduring ottoman legacy 51memor
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the enduring ottoman legacy 53belli
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the enduring ottoman legacy 55The K
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the enduring ottoman legacy 57their
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3The Tempering of theKemalist Revol
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the tempering of the kemalist revol
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4The Political Economyof Islamic Di
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the political economy of islamic di
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5The Role of Literacyand the Media
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the role of literacy and the media
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6The Matrix of TurkishIslamic Movem
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the matrix of turkish islamic movem
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7Print-Based IslamicDiscourseThe Nu
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print-based islamic discourse 153in
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print-based islamic discourse 155th
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print-based islamic discourse 157Nu
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print-based islamic discourse 159ci
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print-based islamic discourse 161in
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print-based islamic discourse 163ne
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print-based islamic discourse 165ha
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print-based islamic discourse 167an
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print-based islamic discourse 169De
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print-based islamic discourse 171ex
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print-based islamic discourse 173wi
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print-based islamic discourse 175Ye
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print-based islamic discourse 177er
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8The Neo-Nur Movementof Fethullah G
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the neo-nur movement of fethullah g
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9The National OutlookMovement and t
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the national outlook movement and t
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10The Securitization of Islamand th
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the securitization of islam and the
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1ConclusionSince 1923, Kemalism has
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conclusion 267Islamic movements in
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conclusion 269emotionally attached
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conclusion 271culture has promoted
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conclusion 273cultural means. There
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AppendixThe 18 Directives of Februa
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1Notesintroduction1. The 1997 milit
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notes to pages 16-18 279Democracy a
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notes to pages 23-34 28138. See Cra
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notes to pages 41-47 28316. 8lber O
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notes to pages 51-54 28552. See the
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notes to pages 62-67 287The Tijaniy
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notes to pages 72-78 28945. Erkal,
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notes to pages 86-89 291marginalize
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notes to pages 103-108 2935. the ro
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notes to pages 117-122 295(Istanbul
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notes to pages 128-135 29788. Ecevi
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notes to pages 138-142 29931. Algar
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notes to pages 152-155 301Cemaatine
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notes to pages 166-179 303Erzurum,
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notes to pages 188-195 30520. Can,
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notes to pages 199-204 307leftists
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notes to pages 210-218 30917. Mehme
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notes to pages 226-232 311RP,” Ye
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notes to pages 236-242 313109. Erba
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notes to pages 247-253 31535. Musta
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1Selected Bibliographyworks in engl
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selected bibliography 319Gilsenan,
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selected bibliography 321Wagstaff,
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selected bibliography 323Kapacalì,
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1IndexAbdülhamid II, 42-46, 152Ada
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index 327Kavakçì, Merve, 99, 249K
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