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Islamic Political Identity in Turkey

Islamic Political Identity in Turkey

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234 islamic political identity <strong>in</strong> turkeyeducated these forces by <strong>in</strong>corporat<strong>in</strong>g them <strong>in</strong>to the political system. Its politicalstructure constituted a web of associations, networks, and relationships. Ittransformed rural values <strong>in</strong>to urban values. <strong>Turkey</strong>’s social stability owes a lotto the RP and other religious networks. Although it did not solve the Kurdishquestion, it prevented the radicalization of Kurdish nationalism. The RP’s stresson <strong>Islamic</strong> symbols and networks helped to release the Kurdish nationalisticenergies and prevented the dom<strong>in</strong>ance of solely ethnically based opposition tothe Kemalist system. Some members of the military establishment recognizedthe constructive role of the RP. The PKK’s activism, comb<strong>in</strong>ed with the suppressivepolicies of the Turkish state, resulted <strong>in</strong> the secularization of the Kurdishidentity and disengagement from the RP. <strong>Islamic</strong> political spaces-<strong>in</strong>-betweenTurkish and Kurdish identities were destroyed as the RP acquired more Turkishand conservative features after the 1991 elections. The pro-Kurdish HADEPemerged as the dom<strong>in</strong>ant agent to articulate secular and nationalist Kurdishidentity claims.Women’s Role <strong>in</strong> the RP<strong>Islamic</strong> groups want to ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> the dist<strong>in</strong>ction between themselves and seculargroups by regulat<strong>in</strong>g Muslim women’s sexuality. Women, for the Islamists,have been and still rema<strong>in</strong> the icon by which social stability and the family is tobe ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>ed. 89 After the mass rape of Muslim women <strong>in</strong> Bosnia, the Islamistsbecame even more determ<strong>in</strong>ed to conWne symbolically Muslim women’sbodies with<strong>in</strong> the protective borders of the umma dur<strong>in</strong>g the 1994 and 1995elections. At the same time, politics, economic development, and the debate overmodernity put women <strong>in</strong> a particularly diYcult situation. Although some <strong>Islamic</strong>women’s groups share <strong>in</strong> an antimodern disposition, their antimodernismdoes not necessarily make them traditional. 90 Opposed to a modernity that collapseddiVerences <strong>in</strong> gender roles, most of these women’s groups redeWnedthemselves, and their quest for a new community formed along religious l<strong>in</strong>es,as is expressed <strong>in</strong> their support for the RP. However, the views of their urbancadres regard<strong>in</strong>g the proper place of women <strong>in</strong> society was often quite diVerentfrom what many men would like to have seen <strong>in</strong> the <strong>Islamic</strong> movements.Women’s groups played the most crucial role <strong>in</strong> carry<strong>in</strong>g the party’s messageto the far corners of society. For example, Sibel Eraslan, the head of thewomen’s group <strong>in</strong> Istanbul, claimed that there were women’s groups <strong>in</strong> 22 counties,and each group consisted of 33 women. In addition, each neighborhoodhad a women’s group that consisted of 14 women, under the control of its countygroup, and each street had a women’s group of six that reported to the neighborhood.91 There were, <strong>in</strong> all, around 250,000 women activists who claimed towork for <strong>Islamic</strong> pr<strong>in</strong>ciples. There were very few university graduates amongthese activists, although the number of graduates rapidly <strong>in</strong>creased. Instead, theparty managed to mobilize women through grassroots politicization, with thewomen’s groups besieg<strong>in</strong>g neighborhoods and convey<strong>in</strong>g RP’s message to

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