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Islamic Political Identity in Turkey

Islamic Political Identity in Turkey

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208 islamic political identity <strong>in</strong> turkeythe Wrst avatar of Erbakan’s <strong>Islamic</strong> political party. Advanc<strong>in</strong>g demands for justiceand identity rema<strong>in</strong>ed the two pillars of the movement. In modern <strong>Turkey</strong>,<strong>Islamic</strong> identity was Wrst explicitly articulated <strong>in</strong> the political doma<strong>in</strong> by theMGH. The MGH conveyed the voices of Islamist groups to the public sector,represent<strong>in</strong>g Islamist <strong>in</strong>terests <strong>in</strong> Parliament, also allow<strong>in</strong>g at this time moreopenly Islamist Wgures <strong>in</strong>to the adm<strong>in</strong>istration of local municipalities and thelarger national bureaucracy. Consequently, the MGH played a vital role <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>tegrat<strong>in</strong>gmarg<strong>in</strong>alized yet vast sections of Anatolian Turkish society <strong>in</strong>to thepolitical processes through present<strong>in</strong>g a more <strong>in</strong>clusive identity rooted <strong>in</strong>Ottoman-<strong>Islamic</strong> tradition. 3Many Turkish Muslims dur<strong>in</strong>g the period of the early 1970s began us<strong>in</strong>gnewly opened opportunity spaces for articulat<strong>in</strong>g formerly prohibited identitiesand demands for deal<strong>in</strong>g with the challenges of secularism, <strong>in</strong>dustrialization,urbanization, and the popularization of knowledge through mass education andcommunication, and they supported the formation of the MSP to encompassand express this newly formed consciousness. After the closure of the MSP bythe military coup leaders <strong>in</strong> 1980 and the RP <strong>in</strong> 1998, the same social groupsre-formed as the FP. 4The chang<strong>in</strong>g names, from Milli Nizam (National Order) to Milli Selamet(National Salvation) to Refah (Welfare) to Fazilet (Virtue) to Saadet (Felicity)reXect both the pressures of the ongo<strong>in</strong>g power struggle between the secularKemalist center and the Turkish-<strong>Islamic</strong> periphery and also the ma<strong>in</strong> politicalplatform of the party dur<strong>in</strong>g each period. 5 National Order, for example, is synonymous<strong>in</strong> popular Turkish with the concept of a religiously rooted just order.Milli does not mean simply “national” but also connotes religious ethnos, andit cont<strong>in</strong>ues to be articulated as an ethical signiWer of justice, loyalty, and community.Milli easily could be used <strong>in</strong>terchangeably with “religiously deWnedcommunity,” 6 and it also was used because any form of religious designationfor a party has been aga<strong>in</strong>st the law. 7 In other words, the <strong>Islamic</strong> movement <strong>in</strong><strong>Turkey</strong> always has managed to connect to society by skillfully utiliz<strong>in</strong>g religioussymbolism. Selamet (salvation), refah (welfare), fazilet (virtue), and saadet (felicity)are symbolic vernacular concepts and are thus understood and carry mean<strong>in</strong>gamong ord<strong>in</strong>ary Muslims.The MNP and the MSPAs the secular Kemalist ideology began to be imposed by the center over muchof traditional Anatolian social life, religion gradually was politicized and becamethe dom<strong>in</strong>ant counterhegemonic identity of the broad periphery. When the later<strong>in</strong>ternal power struggle with<strong>in</strong> the secular sector made support from the peripherycrucial, concessions such as allow<strong>in</strong>g limited public manifestations of religionwere made <strong>in</strong> order to harness this support. First the DP and then itssuccessor, the AP, demonstrated a more sensitive attitude toward religious sentiments<strong>in</strong> a notable break from the militancy of the early Kemalist period.

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