Islamic Political Identity in Turkey

the neo-nur movement of fethullah gülen 197The attempt to construct a national consciousness from religious commitmentshas to come to grips with the reality of ethnic and sectarian divisions in Turkey,especially where Kurdish and Alevi identities are concerned. An in-depth analysisof how the followers of Gülen have responded to these ideas indicates thatthey support the reconciliation of religion and nationality in order to consolidatethe state. By stressing the role of education and enlightenment to overcomesocial ills, however, Gülen also indirectly promotes the idiom of individuality,which may run counter to his more communitarian impulses.A closer examination of the movement from the 1970s to 2000 reveals itsconstant evolution and adaptation to the new realities of Turkey. If one listensto Gülen’s tapes from the 1970s, one encounters an obstinate preacher whosought to mobilize the emotions of people. His interaction with diverse groupsand the government helped the movement to penetrate society but it also hasbeen penetrated by diverse ideas and practices as well. The movement has shapedprocesses that in turn have shaped it. Moreover, as the movement became moreinstitutionalized, it also became attuned to state policies and the need to maintainits relevance for the Turkish people. In order to carry religion to the publicsphere, the movement has stressed tolerance, reconciliation, modernity, anddemocracy. For instance, Gülen argues that the female headscarf is a füruat (notan essential of faith), and one’s veiling (tesettür) choice is also related to culturalunderstanding of Islam and therefore can be interpreted diVerently. Gülen said:“What is in the interest of the state and the nation: education or illiteracy? Eachperson should decide in her conscience on the issue of the headscarf. As far asI am concerned, she should prefer education.” 56Gülen is attempting to construct a new social contract in which themulticulturalist Turko-Ottoman tradition plays a formative role. The movementhas brought many diverse groups together to discuss the problems of Turkeyand to present solutions. For instance, under the umbrella of the Foundation ofJournalists and Writers of Turkey, the Gülen group has identiWed the major“divisive” political issues of Turkey, such as the relationship between Islam andsecularism (1998), 57 religion and the state (1999), democracy and human rights(2000), pluralism and reconciliation (2001), and globalization and its implications.The group has brought many leading scholars, intellectuals, and policymakerstogether to discuss these divisive issues and author consensus charters,known as Abant Platformu. The Wrst Abant Platformu, which came out of themost important of the Wve meetings, concluded thatrevelation and reason do not conXict; individuals should use theirreason to organize their social life; the state should be neutral onbeliefs, faith and the philosophical orientation of society; governanceof the state cannot be based on religion and secularism, but shouldexpand individual freedoms and rights and should not deprive anyperson from public participation. 58As a result of new opportunity spaces and the global discourses of human rightsand multiculturalism, the Gülen movement is in the process of creating a “contemporaryIslam” that is part of modern debate in Turkey. The goal of these