Islamic Political Identity in Turkey

94 islamic political identity in turkeyof “free markets.” 44 The MÜS8AD also opposes heavy taxes, the distributive roleof the state, and trade unions (which it regards as un-Islamic). The MÜS8AD’seconomic model is likely to politicize ethnic, religious, and rural solidarity networksto provide economic security to those left outside the market. In eVect,Islam is used as social capital to promote cooperation and solidarity on behalf ofeconomic interests. 45To become a member of the MÜS8AD, a Wrm needs to have attained a reputationin business circles and society in general for honesty and probity. Theassociation includes some of Turkey’s fastest growing Wrms. One of its mostimportant features is its development of an Islamic network of businesses. RegularFriday meetings are held to which the MÜS8AD typically invites a prominentIslamic writer or journalist to discuss social, economic, and political issuesfrom an Islamic perspective. In addition, the association prepares research reportsabout Turkey’s economic situation and organizes visits to foreign, generallyMuslim, countries to study their economic potential.The MÜS8AD’s economic interests overlap with provincial/ideological tiesto create a more eVective and rooted associational life. For instance, the majorityof MÜS8AD members in Konya are also members of diverse cultural associations. 46The MÜS8AD derives its strength from the opportunities of the 1980 economicrestructuring and its ability to use sociocultural networks for economic advancement.Religious networks help to create social synergy—the willingness of believersto act from their cultural ideas. MÜS8AD members thus are members of overlappingnetworks. Informal characteristics of these networks, which are based oninterpersonal trust and are derived from Islamic identity, help to promote workethics and new channels of communication for collaborating and sharing businessinformation. Since one of the constituting norms of Turkish society is to“render one’s service for the state and nation” (devlete ve millete hizmet), self-promotionand self-interested activities are not necessarily welcomed. Self-servingbusiness activity for the sake of becoming rich is questioned in traditional Turkishsociety. Thus, in order to become a respected businessman, one has to justifyeconomic activity in terms of serving the “state and nation.” Therefore, the conservativeMuslim bourgeoisie try to meet societal expectations by stressing religiousnorms in their interaction with society at large. In other words, they presenta religious identity to society and a nationalist identity to the state. As a result ofnew economic spaces, a new Anatolian business identity is developing. This newbourgeoisie has three major characteristics: they are religiously and socially conservative,economically liberal, and oriented toward private initiative; able to generateinitial capital through family and religious networks and thus more proneto accumulate wealth; and very critical of state intervention in the economy. Thiscauses them to support free market conditions, in contrast to the state, whichsupports the big secularist business oligarchs. The new Muslim economic actorsalso are shaping a new social and cultural landscape in Turkey through Islamicliterature, television stations, newspapers, and an Islamic conception of leisure.Hence, as Islamic practices and norms become more public, they are transformedto meet modern expectations and conditions. Thus one can see the transformationof an “Islamic way of living and thinking” in Turkey.