Islamic Political Identity in Turkey

the neo-nur movement of fethullah gülen 191Moreover, Zaman was the Wrst Turkish newspaper to be available free throughthe Internet. It seeks to have all Central Asian newspapers and universities subscribeto its database. By 2002, the newspaper was the Wfth largest in Turkey. ItoVers a distinctly Muslim voice on political and social issues. Nevertheless, notall of its views and positions are predictable. For example, the newspaper endorsedthe idea of Turkey’s integration with Europe 28 and did not react much tothe partial closure of the controversial 8mam Hatip schools, a demand ofKemalist hardliners in the military. 29In addition to the newspaper Zaman, the Gülen movement launched anational television channel, known as Samanyolu, and popular radio stationssuch as Dünya and BURÇ. The movement also owns Sìzìntì (a scientiWcmonthly), Ekoloji (an environment-related magazine), Yeni Ümit (a theologicaljournal), Aksiyon (a weekly magazine), and The Fountain (an English-languagereligious publication). Gülen’s activities are aimed at molding a cohesive anddisciplined community through education, mass media, and Wnancial networks.Gülen writes a long column once a month in Sìzìntì and once every three monthsin Yeni Ümit; these essays are reprinted in Zaman. In these essays he deals witha wide range of issues. The pedagogical form of his essays indicates that hisreaders are familiar with print culture while still being receptive to the appealof an oral cultural style of production. His form of argumentation is very allegoricaland constantly refers to nature as “the book.” 30 Gülen does not oVer literalinterpretation of the Qur’an but rather reads it through the lens of thephenomenal world. This literary interpretation softens the language of religionand makes it more amenable to practical life.The MarketOne of the main sources of controversy surrounding the movement has beenits acquisition of Wnancial resources. The movement’s Wnances are collectedfrom merchants and a smaller number of business groups. These groups collectreligiously mandated alms (zekat), personal alms (Wtre), and the hides ofanimals (kurban derisi) that are sacriWced during Kurban Bayramì, the Muslimfestival of sacriWce. In a way his movement’s reliance on domestic sourcesof funding forces Gülen to distance his group from political parties. After thedeath of Özal, the community diversiWed its support among a number ofcenter-right and religious parties. For example, in Istanbul, many memberstended to support Tayyip Erdo:an of the RP, in 8zmir they supported BurhanÖzfatura of the DYP, and in Ankara they supported Melih Gökçek of the RPat the municipal elections.The typical neo-Nurcu member tends to be a professional or merchant, andhis identity is a mixture of Islamic and national idioms. New merchants andsmall-scale industrialists support Gülen’s missionary zeal for creating a powerfulIslamic Turkey. For example, Gülen’s wealthy followers established the AsyaFinance Corporation in September 1996 to support social and educational activitiesinside Turkey and among Muslim populations in the Balkans, Caucasus,