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Islamic Political Identity in Turkey

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130 islamic political identity <strong>in</strong> turkeyConclusionThe impact of pr<strong>in</strong>t <strong>in</strong> shap<strong>in</strong>g identity and ideology <strong>in</strong> Muslim societies dependson the level of literacy, the saliency of the arguments put forth by charismaticWgures and <strong>in</strong>tellectuals, and the commodiWcation of books and knowledge. Theimpact of these discursive spaces is therefore uneven <strong>in</strong> diVerent sectors ofsociety. However, pr<strong>in</strong>t-based discursive spaces have been at the core of <strong>Islamic</strong>political activism and have resulted <strong>in</strong> the <strong>in</strong>vention of a new <strong>Islamic</strong>self-understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>Turkey</strong>. Even the traditional SuW orders could not divorcethemselves from the impact of pr<strong>in</strong>t and therefore have entered the publish<strong>in</strong>gmarket with their own journals and magaz<strong>in</strong>es after a period of hesitancy.The revolution <strong>in</strong> pr<strong>in</strong>t and modern technologies of mass communicationhas had profound consequences for the revitalization of <strong>Islamic</strong> discourse <strong>in</strong>contemporary Turkish society. The open<strong>in</strong>g up of discursive spaces has been<strong>in</strong>strumental <strong>in</strong> promot<strong>in</strong>g a new dynamic <strong>Islamic</strong> consciousness that is implicated<strong>in</strong> virtually all discussions of state, society, and culture <strong>in</strong> contemporary<strong>Turkey</strong>. The popularization of <strong>Islamic</strong> discourse as reXected <strong>in</strong> the veritableexplosion <strong>in</strong> the publication of newspapers, magaz<strong>in</strong>es, and journals paradoxicallyhas underm<strong>in</strong>ed any eVorts at establish<strong>in</strong>g a s<strong>in</strong>gle hegemonic <strong>Islamic</strong>discourse. The market <strong>in</strong> pr<strong>in</strong>t and the mass media can be viewed as forces foremancipation and pluralization as various <strong>Islamic</strong> and non-<strong>Islamic</strong> ideologiesand viewpo<strong>in</strong>ts must contend with one another cont<strong>in</strong>uously <strong>in</strong> the hypercompetitivemarketplace of ideas.By rais<strong>in</strong>g new questions and challeng<strong>in</strong>g dom<strong>in</strong>ant perspectives, the mediahas allowed the diVerences among <strong>Islamic</strong> groups to become public knowledge.To put it diVerently, as a result of the media, diVerences are freed bothwith<strong>in</strong> the <strong>Islamic</strong> worldview and also between compet<strong>in</strong>g nonreligiousworldviews. Moreover, small and idiosyncratic diVerences concern<strong>in</strong>g the read<strong>in</strong>gand <strong>in</strong>terpretation of <strong>Islamic</strong> doctr<strong>in</strong>e and history easily can constitute aseparate magaz<strong>in</strong>e-based <strong>in</strong>tellectual circle. This phenomenon leads to constanttransmutations and splits with<strong>in</strong> <strong>Islamic</strong> groups. The text-centric Nurcu movement,unlike the SuW groups, has been divided <strong>in</strong>to more than 12 such subgroups.Each <strong>in</strong>terpretation of the standard Nurcu text, the Risale-i Nur, oVers aground to compare variances <strong>in</strong> read<strong>in</strong>g and understand<strong>in</strong>g.The text-centered <strong>Islamic</strong> groups are more prone to the processes of swiftdissem<strong>in</strong>ation and quick fragmentation because what Said Nursi wrote and whatthe reader understands are not the same. The war of <strong>in</strong>terpretations over thesoul of Nursi’s writ<strong>in</strong>gs illustrates that no s<strong>in</strong>gle voice can speak authoritativelyabout Nursi’s works. Certa<strong>in</strong>ly diVerences of age, gender, class, political context,and educational level play a role <strong>in</strong> the fragmentation of an authoritativeconsensus <strong>in</strong> the movement, but this awareness of the lack of consensus at apopular level only becomes public with the spread of mass communication.As the Nurcu and Nak7ibendi groups venture to arrange the boundaries of<strong>in</strong>terpretive communities through their periodicals, they become further fragmented.In a liberal political and economic context, the <strong>Islamic</strong> groups are more

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