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Islamic Political Identity in Turkey

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the neo-nur movement of fethullah gülen 189He sought to prevent the assimilation of Muslims <strong>in</strong>to the external world andwanted them to return “home.” One sees the perpetuation of this theme of “home”<strong>in</strong> the writ<strong>in</strong>gs of other modern Turkish <strong>in</strong>tellectuals. The notion of “home” wasl<strong>in</strong>ked <strong>in</strong>tricately with notions of memory, roots, and displacement with<strong>in</strong> theseculariz<strong>in</strong>g and nationaliz<strong>in</strong>g Republic, where the new language of politics was<strong>in</strong>troduced. This notion of “home” was an imag<strong>in</strong>ed and mostly <strong>in</strong>vented mythicalspace for which Islamists yearned <strong>in</strong> response to their marg<strong>in</strong>alization with<strong>in</strong>the Republic. In the case of Gülen, however, “home” is a national-religious onewhere collective action is practiced.Opportunity Spaces of Market, Media, and EducationThe Gülen community consists of three circles. At the center of the movementis a core group of believers who lead the activities (hizmet) <strong>in</strong> a spirit of full andunconditional loyalty to the Gülen movement. This core group <strong>in</strong>cludes considerablenumbers of university graduates who specialized <strong>in</strong> technical subjectsand come from rural areas or small towns <strong>in</strong> <strong>Turkey</strong>. The ma<strong>in</strong> core of themovement consists of around 30 elder brothers (büyük abiler), some of themGülen’s closest friends and students, who are highly respected and regularlyconsulted on major day-to-day policies. Most of these elder brothers are fulltimeactivists who work as professionals with salaries at the Gülen movement’s<strong>in</strong>stitutions. A large number <strong>in</strong> this core group have a Turkish nationalist background.There are some Kurds, but their number is limited, especially consider<strong>in</strong>gthat Nursi himself was of Kurdish background.The second circle of people support Gülen’s religious-national goals and(<strong>in</strong>)directly participate <strong>in</strong> the creation of eser (good work) activities through charities,himmet. This circle <strong>in</strong>cludes esnaf (small and medium-sized merchants) andi7adamì (bus<strong>in</strong>essmen) who constitute a board of trustees of the movement’snumerous foundations of the movement. They support the movement’s activities<strong>in</strong> their area through fundrais<strong>in</strong>gs organized by local volunteers.F<strong>in</strong>ally, there are those sympathizers who share Gülen’s goals but do notparticipate <strong>in</strong> their realization. This group is very much <strong>in</strong>volved <strong>in</strong> the protectionof eser, whether the schools, newspapers, or dormitories. This last and biggestgroup <strong>in</strong>cludes many nom<strong>in</strong>al Muslims, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g agnostics and nonbelievers.Thus Gülen’s community is less cohesive <strong>in</strong> its periphery but has a militarylikediscipl<strong>in</strong>e at the core.The Gülen movement uses new opportunity spaces <strong>in</strong> the media, market,and education to transform ideas <strong>in</strong>to action. A ma<strong>in</strong> question about it, and theNur movement generally, is why it has appealed more to urban dwellers than tothe traditional followers of SuW orders. One explanation is their utilization oforal and pr<strong>in</strong>t media <strong>in</strong> the dissem<strong>in</strong>ation of their ideas, media that are suitedto facilitate the <strong>in</strong>tegration of recent migrants <strong>in</strong>to large urban centers. Thesenewcomers to the cities listen to Gülen’s tapes or read his books rather thanthose of Nursi directly. Much of Gülen’s appeal lies <strong>in</strong> his <strong>in</strong>tegrative and charismaticpersonality and his powerful presence as a television orator. He uses

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