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Islamic Political Identity in Turkey

Islamic Political Identity in Turkey

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198 islamic political identity <strong>in</strong> turkeyactivities and engagement with diVerent <strong>in</strong>tellectual groups is not to reorientthe state <strong>in</strong> terms of <strong>Islamic</strong> precepts. Rather, the goal is to promote a state ideologythat does not contradict <strong>Islamic</strong> teach<strong>in</strong>gs and opens spaces for diVerentimag<strong>in</strong>ations of Islam <strong>in</strong> the public sphere.The State’s Co-optation and ExclusionIn the 1980s, Gülen ga<strong>in</strong>ed oYcial protection dur<strong>in</strong>g the late Özal’s terms <strong>in</strong>oYce as prime m<strong>in</strong>ister and president. The center-right parties all backed Gülen,hop<strong>in</strong>g to counterbalance the votes of Erbakan’s RP <strong>in</strong> the general elections <strong>in</strong>1991, 1995, and 1999. Gülen developed close ties with Özal and openly endorsedÖzal’s neoliberal policies. In an <strong>in</strong>terview Gülen said:I had a close relationship with Turgut Özal when he was work<strong>in</strong>g onthe State Plann<strong>in</strong>g Organization. He regularly visited my house andwe had breakfast and d<strong>in</strong>ner together on many occasions. He evenattended my mosque and listened to my sermons. We held manyconversations about social and political developments <strong>in</strong> <strong>Turkey</strong>. Justa week before the September 12 military takeover, he visited me andasked what I was th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g about the prevail<strong>in</strong>g anarchy and chaos. Itold him that as far as the future of Muslims was concerned, “I ampositive.” He responded, “[The] political situation is gett<strong>in</strong>g worse.” 59The relations between Gülen and the state were based on a code of mutual<strong>in</strong>terests. The governments of Özal and Çiller, and even the secular-Kemalistbureaucracy, regarded Gülen as a pliable countervoice to the <strong>Islamic</strong> RP’s moreovertly political role and more doctr<strong>in</strong>aire <strong>in</strong>terpretation of Islam. 60 Despite criticismof his <strong>in</strong>volvement <strong>in</strong> politics, Gülen did not hesitate to develop close connectionswith politicians. Indeed, as he became aware of his importance as apotential Islamist rival to the RP, Gülen regularly used his meet<strong>in</strong>gs with lead<strong>in</strong>gpoliticians to advance the <strong>in</strong>terests of his community and its programs. 61For example, he apparently perceived his meet<strong>in</strong>g with Çiller, after she becameprime m<strong>in</strong>ister, as be<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> this ve<strong>in</strong>. 62His general popularity has grown as a result of his “progressive” <strong>in</strong>terpretationof the Qur’an. For example, he argues that women can become judgesand that the headscarf is not an essential attribute of a Muslim woman. In responseto Gülen’s broadm<strong>in</strong>ded <strong>in</strong>terpretations, Mehmet 6evket Eygi, a columnistfor the pro-<strong>Islamic</strong> Milli Gazete, argued that “the headscarf, like theboundaries of <strong>Turkey</strong>, is not open to disputation. It is the boundary set by Godand cannot be discussed.” 63 As a result of Gülen’s ties with govern<strong>in</strong>g circlesand his more tolerant <strong>Islamic</strong> attitude, some more puritanical RP supportersaccused him of be<strong>in</strong>g an American agent. Ali Bulaç, a prom<strong>in</strong>ent Islamist <strong>in</strong>tellectual,expressed a common suspicion with the follow<strong>in</strong>g three questions toGülen: “Where do you stand as far as Mustafa Kemal and his reforms are concerned?Will you try to stop RP from com<strong>in</strong>g to power? And why do you <strong>in</strong>vest<strong>in</strong> Central Asia but not the Middle East?” 64

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