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Islamic Political Identity in Turkey

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250 islamic political identity <strong>in</strong> turkeyties.” 48 Follow<strong>in</strong>g the CC decision, the MGH split <strong>in</strong>to two diVerent parties. Theconservative faction of the FP, under Kutan, founded the SP <strong>in</strong> July 2001. 49 Moremoderate leaders formed the Justice and Development Party (AKP: Adalet veKalkìnma Partisi) <strong>in</strong> August 2001, thereby cement<strong>in</strong>g the division <strong>in</strong> the <strong>Islamic</strong>movement.The AKP has managed to redeWne itself not as a “spl<strong>in</strong>ter group” of MGHbut rather a dynamic force to <strong>in</strong>corporate center-right voters by stress<strong>in</strong>g itssocially conservative Muslim-Turkish and economically liberal project. The threeprom<strong>in</strong>ent actors of the AKP, Erdo;an, Gül, and Arìnç, all came from the nationalistbackground and were <strong>in</strong>Xuenced by the writ<strong>in</strong>gs of Necip Fazìl, SezaiKarakoç, and Rasim Özdenören. Moreover, there are prom<strong>in</strong>ent Nak7ibendi<strong>in</strong>tellectuals <strong>in</strong> the AKP, such as 8rfan Gündüz of the Erenköy Nak7ibendi order.The charisma of Erdo;an, his lifestyle, and his role as a generational bridgebetween younger and older voters make the AKP a party with potentially broadappeal. Nevertheless, the political future of <strong>Turkey</strong> will not be determ<strong>in</strong>ed byhow well the AKP or any other parties do at the ballot boxes but rather by a compromisebetween Kemalism and democracy.The Politics of Fear: The Rise of the Nationalist Action Party (MHP)After the resignation of Erbakan <strong>in</strong> 1997, a new coalition government was formedwith Yìlmaz as prime m<strong>in</strong>ister and Ecevit as deputy prime m<strong>in</strong>ister. Thegovernment’s goal was to implement the 18 directives of the military. Manyconservative and religious deputies from the center-right parties refused to supportthe necessary changes. Yìlmaz only managed to implement the education“reform,” which raised compulsory secular education from Wve to eight years;the goal was to cripple the 8mam Hatip schools. The coalition government sooncame under attack because of Yìlmaz’s close ties to underworld-l<strong>in</strong>ked bus<strong>in</strong>essmenbidd<strong>in</strong>g for state contracts. A vote of no conWdence ended Yìlmaz’s government<strong>in</strong> November 1998. President Demirel nom<strong>in</strong>ated Ecevit, who had fullmilitary support, to be prime m<strong>in</strong>ister. Other party leaders, such as Yìlmaz andÇiller, supported Ecevit’s m<strong>in</strong>ority government, which had the task of prepar<strong>in</strong>gthe country for elections <strong>in</strong> April 1999 (see table 10.1).The major result of the April 1999 general elections was the serious erosionof the political center, a development that had grave implications for eVortsto <strong>in</strong>stitutionalize <strong>Turkey</strong>’s already weak democratic process. 50 The two partiesthat emerged with the largest number of votes from the general elections, theDSP led by Ecevit and the MHP led by Devlet Bahçeli, both espoused a militantand particularistic version of nationalism that is hostile to <strong>Turkey</strong>’s diverse ethnicand religious groups. By mak<strong>in</strong>g stunn<strong>in</strong>g ga<strong>in</strong>s <strong>in</strong> central and westernAnatolia, these nationalist parties won a comb<strong>in</strong>ed total of 40 percent of thepopular vote, became the two largest blocs <strong>in</strong> the parliament, and jo<strong>in</strong>ed to forma coalition government. 51 The DSP was created by Ecevit, but it is not so mucha mass party as one dependent on his personal popularity and character.

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