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Islamic Political Identity in Turkey

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20 islamic political identity <strong>in</strong> turkey<strong>in</strong>g from the state was emphasized while societal constra<strong>in</strong>ts on state behaviorwere downplayed.” 27The more nuanced and historically <strong>in</strong>formed works of Lisa Anderson, RobertBianchi, and Alan Richards and John Waterbury exam<strong>in</strong>e changes <strong>in</strong> thepolitical landscape <strong>in</strong> terms of the <strong>in</strong>ternal and external economic and historicalconstra<strong>in</strong>ts <strong>in</strong> which state-society relations are embedded. Anderson, forexample, treats the existence of authoritarian regimes <strong>in</strong> the Middle East as oneof the imperatives of state- and nation-build<strong>in</strong>g. 28 Richards and Waterbury arguethat it is the powerful autonomous corporate state and its <strong>in</strong>terventionist traditionthat shapes, even creates, socioeconomic classes through its policies. Theseclasses, <strong>in</strong> turn, <strong>in</strong>Xuence and determ<strong>in</strong>e the state’s economic policies. Richardsand Waterbury, like Anderson, assert that this autonomous state is the result of“the politics of decolonization and development.” 29 They argue thatthe formulation of public policies shapes the allocation of resourceswith<strong>in</strong> societies and the political consequences that Xow therefrom.. . . As we shall show repeatedly, those authorities, the people whomake up the governments and staV the upper echelons of thebureaucracies and public enterprises, frequently constitute anautonomous set of actors and <strong>in</strong>terests <strong>in</strong> their own right. 30While the contextualist approach is a great improvement over the previousessentialism, it has ignored the dynamic changes that have occurred <strong>in</strong> numerous<strong>Islamic</strong> movements over time and the constitutive and fram<strong>in</strong>g role of popular<strong>Islamic</strong> culture. In order to understand the rise of a new <strong>Islamic</strong> politicalconsciousness, we need a new framework that <strong>in</strong>corporates ideas and traditionswith<strong>in</strong> evolv<strong>in</strong>g social and political contexts.ConstructivismConstructivism assumes that any society is a human construction and subjectto multiple <strong>in</strong>terpretations and <strong>in</strong>Xuences. These constructions, such as SuWorders, states, nations, and religions, condition and <strong>in</strong>form new modes of understand<strong>in</strong>g.Thus <strong>Islamic</strong> political identity only can be properly understood throughhermeneutical and mutually <strong>in</strong>teractive causal techniques. This approach illustratesthe unend<strong>in</strong>g tension between human understand<strong>in</strong>g and multiple, yetconditioned, constructions of reality. It stresses human agency as the primemover of history s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>in</strong>dividual subjectivity is formed reXexively by <strong>in</strong>teractionsbetween <strong>in</strong>dividuals. For constructivism, <strong>in</strong>dividual actions are neithercaused by social structure nor the outcome of <strong>in</strong>dividual choices. 31 By focus<strong>in</strong>gon the relationships between the <strong>in</strong>dividual and society (or between agency andstructures), one may be able to understand how social structures (e.g., <strong>Islamic</strong>frames of reference that <strong>in</strong>form rules and practices) are constituted <strong>in</strong> the <strong>in</strong>dividual(<strong>in</strong>ternaliz<strong>in</strong>g the external through socialization). One also can understandhow <strong>in</strong>dividuals build social structure through objectiWcation of political andcultural consciousness (externaliz<strong>in</strong>g the <strong>in</strong>ternal). Us<strong>in</strong>g the constructivistapproach, one can discern <strong>Islamic</strong> identity-based movements emerg<strong>in</strong>g along

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