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Islamic Political Identity in Turkey

Islamic Political Identity in Turkey

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the endur<strong>in</strong>g ottoman legacy 51memory of the accumulated beauty <strong>in</strong> the national consciousness,there will be a certa<strong>in</strong> crudeness, a lower<strong>in</strong>g of aesthetic standards. 48This abrupt rupture with the past did not trouble Atatürk; on the contrary,he viewed the <strong>in</strong>Xuence of the religion of the Arabs as the ma<strong>in</strong> factor contribut<strong>in</strong>gto the perceived backwardness of his society and thus adopted a set ofreforms to promote the “disestablishment” of Islam. Atatürk argued that “ournational morality should be cleansed and supported with modern pr<strong>in</strong>ciples andfree thought.” 49 Science and rationalism were to be the true liberators and moralguides <strong>in</strong> the construction of this new Turkish society. The Kemalist understand<strong>in</strong>gof rational-positivism was imposed on every aspect of society with<strong>in</strong> reachof the state. Once the Ottoman-<strong>Islamic</strong> past had been discarded, the Republicanelite had an opportunity to Wll this lacuna by fabricat<strong>in</strong>g a new history andlanguage tailored to its vision of the “new Turk.” Atatürk himself encouragedhistorians to create pseudohistorical theories such as “the Turkish History Thesis”and the “Sun-Language Theory” <strong>in</strong> the Wrst half of the 1930s. 50 In the ThirdLanguage Convention, which met <strong>in</strong> the historical Dolmabahçe Palace (Istanbul)on September 24, 1934, it was generally accepted that the Sun Language Theoryproved that all other languages and civilizations sprang from Turkish. 51 In keep<strong>in</strong>gwith the Kemalist <strong>in</strong>sistence that Turks were “really Europeans,” a numberof papers at this convention <strong>in</strong>sisted that the Turkish language belonged to theIndo-European language family. 52In analyz<strong>in</strong>g eVorts to create a pseudoscientiWc national theory, EricHobsbawm argued that historical writ<strong>in</strong>gs play a key role <strong>in</strong> the “<strong>in</strong>vention oftraditions” by contribut<strong>in</strong>g “to the creation, dismantl<strong>in</strong>g and restructur<strong>in</strong>g ofimages of the past which belong not only to the world of specialist <strong>in</strong>vestigationbut to the public sphere of man as a political be<strong>in</strong>g.” 53 Such texts, overtime, become more “real” than the “reality” of unwritten memory, accord<strong>in</strong>gto Hobsbawm:The element of <strong>in</strong>vention is particularly clear here, s<strong>in</strong>ce the historywhich became part of the fund of knowledge or the ideology of thenation-state or movement is not what has actually been preserved<strong>in</strong> popular memory, but what has been selected, written, pictured,popularized and <strong>in</strong>stitutionalized by those whose functions it is todo so. 54In the case of <strong>Turkey</strong>, state-sponsored historical theories stressed the pre-<strong>Islamic</strong> roots of the Turks and were meant to forge a politically correct cont<strong>in</strong>uitybetween the Republican present and an imag<strong>in</strong>ed pre-<strong>Islamic</strong> past. Althoughthis attempt to exclude Islam and Ottoman history from modern Turkish nationalismwas criticized by some <strong>in</strong>tellectuals, Atatürk suppressed their dissent.Dissident historians, such as R1za Nur, the Wrst m<strong>in</strong>ister of education, andHamdullah Suphi, R1za Nur’s successor, cont<strong>in</strong>ued to be discredited until 1950,when the <strong>in</strong>troduction of the multiparty system made it possible for them todemand a redeWnition of Turkish nationalism that <strong>in</strong>corporated Islam and Ottomanhistory as legitimate and even essential aspects of modern Turkish na-

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