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Islamic Political Identity in Turkey

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284 notes to pages 47–5136. For example, article 4 of the Law of Settlement argues that “only those whobelong to Turkish ethnicity and culture” should be allowed to settle permanently <strong>in</strong><strong>Turkey</strong>. The Turkish government, however, labeled the ethnically non-TurkishBosnians, Albanians, Torbesh, Pomaks, and Montenegr<strong>in</strong> Muslims as Turks andhelped them settle <strong>in</strong> <strong>Turkey</strong>.37. David Kushner, The Rise of Turkish Nationalism: 1876–1908 (London: Cass,1977), 102.38. See Ilkay Sunar and B. Toprak, “Islam <strong>in</strong> Politics: The Case of <strong>Turkey</strong>,”Government and Opposition 18 (Autumn 1980): 426–27.39. Law Number 432, 1924, “Concern<strong>in</strong>g the Abolishment of the Caliphate andthe Expulsion of the [Members of] the Ottoman Dynasty from Lands under theJurisdiction of the Republic of <strong>Turkey</strong>,” says that “s<strong>in</strong>ce the [notion of the] caliphateis <strong>in</strong> pr<strong>in</strong>ciple <strong>in</strong>cluded <strong>in</strong> the concept and the mean<strong>in</strong>g of a Republican government,the oYce of caliphate is annuled.” This law was presented by Mehmet SeyyidBey, the m<strong>in</strong>ister of justice, who eventually wrote a booklet to justify the abolishmentof the oYce of caliphate. See 8smail Kara, Türkiye’de 8slamcìlìk Dü7üncesi,Met<strong>in</strong>ler, Ki7iler (Istanbul: Risale Yayìnlarì, 1997), 256–308.40. Article 1 of the 1965 law recognized the duties and functions of the D8B. Asof 2001, the D8B owns 75,002 mosques, and 64, 157 out of its 88,506 civil servicepersonnel work with<strong>in</strong> mosques; see Diyanet 87leri Ba7kanlì;ì 2000 Yìlì 8statistikleri(Ankara: D8B, 2001).41. Article 136 of the 1982 constitution says: “the Department of ReligiousAVairs, which is with<strong>in</strong> the general adm<strong>in</strong>istration, shall exercise its duties prescribed<strong>in</strong> its particular law, <strong>in</strong> accordance with the pr<strong>in</strong>ciples of secularism,removed from all political views and ideas, and aim<strong>in</strong>g at national solidarity and<strong>in</strong>tegrity.”42. Ahmet H. Akseki, Müftü ve Vaizler<strong>in</strong> Ödevleri Hakkìnda Gerekli Açìklama,(Ankara: Diyanet 87leri Ba7kanlì;ì, 1945), 3–22. This booklet lays out the functions ofthe D8B and its personnel.43. For the text of the report, see Sadìk Albayrak, 6eriattan Laikli:e (Istanbul:Sebil Yayìnlarì, 1977), 333–37; or Osman Erg<strong>in</strong>, Türk Maarif Tarihi, 5 vols. (Istanbul:Eser, 1977), 1958–1967.44. Erg<strong>in</strong>, Türk Maarif Tarihi, vol. 5, 1959.45. Dücane Cündio:lu, Türkçe Kur’an ve Cumhuriyet 8deolojisi (Istanbul:Kitabevi, 1998); Necdet Subasì, Türk Aydìnìnìn D<strong>in</strong> Anlayì7ì (Istanbul: YKB, 1996).46. Ahmet Eskicumalì, “Ideology and Education: Reconstruct<strong>in</strong>g the TurkishCurriculum for Social and Cultural Change, 1923–1946,” (Ph.D. diss., University ofWiscons<strong>in</strong>–Madison, 1994).47. GeoVrey Lewis, The Turkish Language Reform: A Catastrophic Success (NewYork: Oxford University Press, 1999).48. Halide Edip, <strong>Turkey</strong> Faces West: A Turkish View of Recent Changes and TheirOrig<strong>in</strong>s (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1930), 235.49. Atatürk’ün Söylev ve Demeçleri (Ankara: MEB, 1956), 20.50. On the Turkish History Thesis see Afet 8nan, “Atatürk ve Tarih Tezi,”Belleten 3, 10 (1939): 243–45; on the Sun Language Theory see A. Dilaçar, Atatürk veTürkçe, Atatürk ve Türk Dili (Ankara: Türk Dil Kurumu, 1963), 47–49.51. For more on the Sun Language see Uriel Heyd, Language Reform <strong>in</strong> Modern<strong>Turkey</strong> (Jerusalem: Israel Oriental Society, 1954), 33–34, and Zeynep Korkmaz, TürkDil<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong> Tarihi Akì7ì 8ç<strong>in</strong>de Atatürk ve Dil Devrimi (Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi DTCF,1963), 65–68.

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