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Islamic Political Identity in Turkey

Islamic Political Identity in Turkey

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the national outlook movement and the rise of the refah party 227course, are <strong>in</strong>cl<strong>in</strong>ed to such liberal views, and a consensus or clearly articulateddoctr<strong>in</strong>e on these issues is lack<strong>in</strong>g.Erbakan’s speech at the RP’s Fourth Congress <strong>in</strong> 1993 carefully avoidedequat<strong>in</strong>g Islam as a religion with the party. In fact, Erbakan tried to reach out toeveryone, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g nonpractic<strong>in</strong>g Muslims. 63 He presented three solutions tothree immediate problems of Turkish society: recognition of Kurdish identitywith<strong>in</strong> the concept of umma; establishment of the Just Order to address theproblem of poverty and <strong>in</strong>equality; and “multilegal communities,” that is, eachcommunity would be governed by its own laws and norms to create a civil society.64 The conception of legal pluralism was concerned more with the autonomyof separate communities rather than <strong>in</strong>dividual freedoms. This proposal negated<strong>in</strong>dividualism <strong>in</strong> order to consolidate the authority of community. Erbakan’sspeech, which set the tone for the 1994 municipal elections, played a key role<strong>in</strong> the transformation of the RP’s image from that of a potentially rigid fundamentalistparty to one will<strong>in</strong>g to compromise and work with<strong>in</strong> the system. 65 Inhis speech, Erbakan diVerentiated majority democracy from pluralistic democracyand said that pluralism and diversity are a necessary framework for prosperityand a work<strong>in</strong>g democracy. 66 The speech demonstrated that Erbakan andthe party leadership realized that they would have to temper their rhetoric andmodify their views if they were to secure enough popular support to form agovern<strong>in</strong>g coalition. In fact, a group of liberal <strong>in</strong>tellectuals, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g Zeng<strong>in</strong>,Ali Bulaç, and Mehmet Met<strong>in</strong>er, had prepared Erbakan’s speech. 67Regional IdentitiesThe 1994 local and the 1995 national elections transformed the political landscape.Some secular groups <strong>in</strong>terpreted this transformation as a revolt aga<strong>in</strong>stKemalism, whereas Islamist publicists viewed it as the gradual democratizationof the Republican political system. In fact, the election was a turn<strong>in</strong>g po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>in</strong>terms of br<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>g peripheral and marg<strong>in</strong>al voices to the center of Turkish politicaldiscourse. The new pragmatism of the party, its long-term strategy tobecome a legitimate part of the system, and its organizational skills were thema<strong>in</strong> factors <strong>in</strong> this process.Erbakan, as the RP leader, was capable of orchestrat<strong>in</strong>g many of <strong>Turkey</strong>’sdiverse <strong>Islamic</strong> groups through his personality and leadership skills. His capablerighthand man, O:uzhan Asiltürk, aided him <strong>in</strong> this eVort. They made <strong>Turkey</strong>’svariegated Islam a source of strength that allowed the party to penetrate virtuallyevery corner of society. In its leadership characteristics, the RP was similarto other Turkish political parties: The leader’s personality dom<strong>in</strong>ated the <strong>in</strong>stitutionsover and above the party itself. One of the major reasons for the RP’spolitical success was its organizational Xexibility and strategic use of modernmeans to mobilize traditional networks. The organizational structure of the partywas known as the tesbih model (i.e., the prov<strong>in</strong>cial organizational committee has33 members, modeled after the 33 beads of the traditional Muslim rosary). Each

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