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Islamic Political Identity in Turkey

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220 islamic political identity <strong>in</strong> turkeyAnother major question asked by the ARAS survey had to do with the expectationsof RP supporters of the cont<strong>in</strong>gency that their party came to power.The supporters said that they were not expect<strong>in</strong>g the party to <strong>in</strong>stitute the sharia;for only 15.5 percent said that it would implement an <strong>Islamic</strong> crim<strong>in</strong>al code andlegal system if it came to power. Instead, nearly 73 percent of men and 61 percentof women held that the RP’s program had noth<strong>in</strong>g to do with implement<strong>in</strong>gsharia. These responses are a further <strong>in</strong>dication that the support for the RPwas not based on purely religious sentiments, and a religious revival was not anadequate explanation for the political triumph of the party. The reason for itssuccess was its ability to articulate socioeconomic issues through the commonidiom of the masses. The party also enjoyed a reputation for oppos<strong>in</strong>g the dictatorialpolicies of the state and its supporters <strong>in</strong> the parties of the center whileit espoused a more politically liberal ideology.Although the RP built on the foundation of the MSP, its borders encompassednew socioeconomic solidarities. The RP’s success, therefore, cannot beexpla<strong>in</strong>ed by the alleged rural and underclass nature of its electorate. The <strong>in</strong>corporationof new groups with<strong>in</strong> the party became a reason for its success. Simplyto label the RP as <strong>Islamic</strong> does not further understand<strong>in</strong>g of its societaldynamics. Moral questions and values <strong>in</strong> Turkish politics largely have been articulated<strong>in</strong> <strong>Islamic</strong> terms because the Kemalist cultural revolution did not producean alternative shared moral language, and <strong>Islamic</strong> references and idiomsrema<strong>in</strong>ed the depository for this moral debate. Instead, that which is <strong>Islamic</strong>and that which is secular is largely a contextual matter that determ<strong>in</strong>es, for example,whether the ANAP’s criticism of alcohol and gambl<strong>in</strong>g will be consideredby others as its “Islamization of social life.” In other words, moral questionsraised by the RP or any other political party always <strong>in</strong>voke the name of Islam.This area was not simply the doma<strong>in</strong> of the RP. Furthermore, the rul<strong>in</strong>g secularelite often has labeled popular antigovernment protests as “<strong>Islamic</strong> and reactionary”<strong>in</strong> order to delegitimize them. This tactic not only promoted thepoliticization of religion but also strengthened antirepublican sentimentsthroughout much of society. These political responses are a result of an erosionof public values and a sense of ethical crisis that <strong>Turkey</strong> has been experienc<strong>in</strong>gfor some time. In eVect, the secular system has failed to produce a proper ethicalcode for the new level of social and economic development. Because thesystem and its political ideology did not seem capable of provid<strong>in</strong>g values forcivil society, many <strong>in</strong> Turkish society began search<strong>in</strong>g for a new moral framework.To resolve this conundrum <strong>Turkey</strong> needs to transform its concepts of thestate, society, and <strong>in</strong>dividual.The <strong>Political</strong> Appeal of the RP: Justice and <strong>Identity</strong>The most critical factors <strong>in</strong> the strength of the RP are to be found <strong>in</strong> its discourseson identity and justice. Devout Muslims evoked <strong>Islamic</strong> symbols and <strong>in</strong>stitutionsto express their discontent and, most important, to construct their ownvision of modernity by reactivat<strong>in</strong>g <strong>Islamic</strong> tradition. The Turkish paradox is

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