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A History of English Language

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A history <strong>of</strong> the english language 314<br />

bilong (from the verb ‘belong’) serves a number <strong>of</strong> functions in Tok Pisin that in <strong>English</strong><br />

would be assigned to varying case forms, including possession: ‘my mother’ is mama<br />

bilong mi; ‘John’s house’ is haus bilong John. With a greatly reduced system <strong>of</strong><br />

inflections and a correspondingly greater reliance on function words and word order,<br />

pidgin and creole languages show clearly the analytic structure that we noted when we<br />

observed the development from Old <strong>English</strong> to Middle <strong>English</strong>.<br />

The other side <strong>of</strong> lexical impoverishment is the visibility and richness <strong>of</strong> certain<br />

aspectual distinctions, some never explicitly marked in the verb phrase <strong>of</strong> historical<br />

<strong>English</strong>. For example, habitual or continuing action is indicated in Hawaiian Creole by<br />

including the particle stay in the verb phrase, and other creoles have similar markers: I<br />

stay run in Kapiolani Park every evening indicates habitual or repetitive action rather<br />

than action completed at a certain point. Similarly, the accomplishment <strong>of</strong> purpose is<br />

made explicit in creole languages around the world. The <strong>English</strong> sentence “John went to<br />

Honolulu to see Mary” does not specify whether John actually saw Mary. Such ambiguity<br />

must be resolved in Hawaiian Creole. If the speaker knows that John saw Mary, the<br />

appropriate sentence is John bin go Honolulu go see Mary. If John did not see Mary or if<br />

the speaker does not know whether John saw Mary, the appropriate verb form expresses<br />

intention without expressing completion: John bin go Honolulu for see Mary. 43<br />

Another important factor <strong>of</strong> language in general which the study <strong>of</strong> pidgins and creoles<br />

clarifies is the idea <strong>of</strong> a linguistic continuum. Whereas earlier observations noted only a<br />

binary distinction between the standard language and the “patois,” research during the<br />

past quarter century has made it clear that there are multiple, overlapping grammars<br />

between the basilect (the most extreme form <strong>of</strong> pidgin or creole) and the acrolect (the<br />

standard language). These intermediate grammars are known as mesolects. There is <strong>of</strong>ten<br />

an observable hierarchy <strong>of</strong> linguistic features associated with various points on the<br />

continuum (for example, different past tense formations <strong>of</strong> verbs, some closer than others<br />

to the standard). If a speaker has a nonstandard feature located near the basilectal<br />

extreme, it is likely that the speaker will also have all <strong>of</strong> the other nonstandard features<br />

that are increasingly closer to the standard language. This technique <strong>of</strong> analysis is known<br />

as an “implicational scale.” 44 The regularity <strong>of</strong> such scales in pidgin and creole languages<br />

world-wide leads to yet another interesting problem: the order <strong>of</strong> acquisition <strong>of</strong> the scaled<br />

features<br />

43<br />

These examples are from Derek Bickerton, “Creole <strong>Language</strong>s,” Scientific American (July 1983);<br />

rpt. in <strong>Language</strong>, Writing and the Computer (New York, 1986), pp. 24–30.<br />

44<br />

On the theory underlying the creole continuum, see Derek Bickerton, Dynamics <strong>of</strong> a Creole<br />

System (Cambridge, UK, 1975).

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